Trotskyism Today no. 12

TROTSKYISM

THE FIGHT FOR

REVOLUTIONARY

In this edition of "Trotskyism Today' we publish the final section of the Perspectives Document for Britain adopted at the First Annual Conference of the Workers Socialist League last December. The opening sections were:- Part One, "The Economic Crisis'; Part Two 'The Labour Government'; Part Three "The Trade Unions'; and Part Four "Programme'.

Engineers join mi dangers than Heat In this edition of "Trotskyism Today' at the First Annual Conference of the W "The Economic Crisis'; Part Two The Lat Back issues of these sections are available i The hysterical witch-hunting which drew the biggest cheers at the last Tory Party Conference is further confirmation of the warning we have made since the foundation of our movement that the Tory leadership is preparing the basis of the most draconian attacks on living standards and democratic rights since the 19th century. "moderation' of the so-called From Heath with his 'end of the road' speech, through to the rabid reaction of Heseltine and Thatcher, the Tory Conference echoed all week with demands for still more savage and sweeping spending cuts, an end to price controls, and a battery of anti-working class policies at present too extreme even for the Callaghan leadership to impose, even while sparing some time to praise Callaghan for his efforts on behalf of capitalism.

ALIENATION

right wing Thatcher The extreme leadership has cashed in on the alienation of Labour voters, and set out consciously to build a movement on the basis of small businessmen, middle and professional classes using the openings provided by reactionary campaigns to reach new sections.

Thus they have consistently lent their backing to anti-abortion campaigns, private and school grammar medicine, private education, ratepayers campaigns, and the so- called "unions" of the self-employed. ers join miners in a mass picket at Saltley Coke Depot in 1972 than Heath if workers' struggles suppressed by bureaucracy.

" Today' we publish the final section of the Perspect of the Workers Socialist League last December. The "The Labour Government'; Part Three "The Trade Ur vailable in "Trotskyism Today' Numbers 10 and 11.

This is a conscious move to strengthen and extend the Tory power base, with a view event of the to a return to office in the showdown Callaghan government facing a and splitting or resigning.

possible 'coalition' The vague talk of wafted about by various Tories is merely to cover over the fact that they have not yet time to launch the all-out selected the offensive against the Labour government.

SUPPRESSED

government if elected a Tory Such under conditions where the working class struggle was still suppressed by the bureau- cracy would represent a far more serious threat than that of Heath.

Indeed it is possible to envisage such a Tory government coming to power in spite of the unbroken strength of the working class only because of the utterly bankrupt leadership put forward by the Labourites both right and 'left'. its majority from the It would draw abstentions of millions of Labour voters attacks of Wilson and by the alienated Callaghan. While it, too, could be a govern- be one setting out ment of crisis, it would class rule and restore profitability.

On the extreme right of the Tory ranks stands Powell with his racist campaign once more avidly supported and boosted by the press and mass media. And revelling in the heat of this racist press campaign, gaining in self-confidence attracting considerable obviously and ot in 1972: new Tory government could pose more Perspectives Document for Britain adopted er. The opening sections were:- Part One, Trade Unions'; and Part Four Programme'.

support from sections of business are the forces of the fascist National Front and National Party. The fascists' poisonous propaganda campaigns are today increasingly backed up by violent attacks on immigrant workers, gays while labour movement youth and meetings have been openly attacked.

The call for labour movement action to defend immigrant workers against such attack is a class call. It is not a call that can be limited to simply "support black self- defence" as the IMG and others see it.

It is vital to stress that the defence of these sections of the working class is the responsibility of the whole labour move- ment. We fight now in affected areas for trade union mobilisation on this issue raising the question in every branch where we have struggling to contacts and members or involve the broadest possible support.

UNIFY

attend will Wherever possible we meetings of those defence organisations already formed, urging them to unify with union bodies particularly trades trade councils. the political struggle the on But leadership working class questions remains central. If racialism is being kindled some backward layers of amongst noW workers as well as its traditional petty bour- geois spawning ground it is because the fuel has been provided by the trade union bureaucracy's solidarity with the national capitalist class, enforcing acceptance of mass No 12. 2nd February, 1977.

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THEORETICAL SUPPLEMENT

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unemployment, further redundancies, wage cuts, and inadequate housing.

The frustration created by these conditions is the vital starting point of the Our programme on jobs, wages,

TACAUSES

programmes is therefore and public works an essential part of the fight against racialism and fascism. Part Six The CP Moves Right While any attempt to catalogue in full the recent betrayals of the Stalinists of the Communist Party must be futile, the clearest course the blatant example

TCCCIL

collaboration of BLMC Longbridge convenor Derek Robinson - one of the CP's leading industrial figures = with the Jones-Scanlon call for "continuous production" at all costs, ultimatum and with the company of their assigned advanced acceptance manning levels on the new mini.

In every aspect of the class struggle it is the Stalinists, in harness with right and left wing reformists who take upon themselves the responsibility of defusing and derailing and class consciousness the growth OH militant resistance. But this is not surprising. As the trade union bureaucracy as a whole moves dramat- ically to the right, so too must their oppor- in the CP if they are to tunist hangers-on retain the bureaucratic positions hope to they achieved during the boom period.

INDISTINGUISHABLE

The result is a Stalinist movement many areas is completely indis- which in tinguishable from the right wing, and which is crucial to the right wing moves to block union democracy At national level also the Stalinists act to take the heat out of awkward confron prepare escape routes for the tations and right wing and for 'left' talkers.

At the AUEW National Conference it was Stalinist James Airlie who sabotaged the fight against the 4½% pay deal, by moving an amendment to delete a call for official section of workers fighting support to any the limit from the main opposition resolu leaving it toothless before the vote.

tion - In the NUM, Stalinist Mick McGahey of the consciously suppressed

TRIC

LOWS

hand-outs voted to Daly and cash Gormley by the NUM Executive throughout campaign period of the ballot on the McGahey notorious state Instead he made the "should not figh that the miners alone" - which of course was calculated t demoralise those about to vote 'no to th 4½% by suggesting that their vote would i any event be overruled by a stage-manage vote for acceptance at the Special TUC.

And only after the deal had been accer did McGahe ted by a wafer thin majority attempt to cash in on the hard core

TROTSKYISM

militant opposition to the deal by offering to "lead' a fight to defeat the 42%.

In fighting rank and file CP members these Stalinist betrayals must be highlighted front of the broadest and forced home in possible audience of workers.

At the same time the logical outcome of the "Parliamentary Road to Socialism" as exemplified in Italy by the Stalinists support for a Tory government must be brought out to the full in challenging British Stalinists Their current Popular Front policies in the Britain and internationally renders Stalinists, insofar as they retain any militant base in the working class, most vulnerable now to principled attack by Trotskyists.

We must also recognise that the recent again in the fore- events in Poland place. whole question of the fight for ground the the political revolution in the degenerate workers' states, and lose no chance to use these issues against the Stalinists.

MILITANTS

In the coming period it is quite possible that a number of CP militants could be drawn towards Trotskyism as a result of the extreme right wing orientation of their own party - provided we make no accomodation or compromise with them on questions of principle or programme. But at the forefront of our fight in every area, whether or not such opportun- ities emerge (and in some areas there are only right wingers left in the CP), must be our clear understanding of the need expose and smash Stalinism, destroy its corroding influence in the workers' move- ment. In this we will approach the fight with infinitely more clarity than the panoply of and self-proclaimed Trotskyist centrist groups, who find themselves unable to find a principled road to working class militants, least of all towards the Stalinists.

Just as the reformists and the Stalinists are thrown into confusion and crisis by the sharpening of the objective situation and the strengthening of the working class, so these groups also find their empirical assessments unable to and protest politics completely grasp the new situation and capitalise on it.

We will not catalogue them and their peculiarities here, merely pointing out that a further short document could be useful in assessment of the most providing and politically tendencies important outlining our proposed attitude towards them. Throughout this document we have emphasised the great depth of the capitalist crisis that faces us. Only the working class with a revolutionary programme can provide this crisis and only solution a to a revolutionary party based on the principles of Trotskyism can provide the basis of resol- ving the crisis of leadership in the working class. Because we inherit the traditions of the struggle for Trotskyism, because the starting point of our movement is a defence of its fundamental principles, we must pay serious attention to the struggle for a Bolshevik Party in Britain and internationally.

For this reason further development of our movement must include the building of a party that has the resources as well as the political capacity to intervene every day in the struggle of the working class.

DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM

We have inherited from our experience a deep hostility to bureaucratic dictatorship but this should not hold us up in building an organisation that is capable of reviving the principles and practice of democratic centralism in the working class, of taking all steps necessary to bring the struggle for revolutionary programme to wider layers of workers. Our movement has already begun to assemble a full-time staff, a headquarters, and a range of our own publications. Some of the practical (other than strictly financial) problems to be overcome in developing Socialist Press into a weekly paper have already been raised for discussion in an Internal Bulletin, and it is clear that one prerequisite other than expanded sales is a much wider team of comrades to play an active role in reporting and writing features for the paper. It is crucial that the advances in the production and the political content of the paper that have been made are seen as the starting point of a drive wherever possible to increase sales, laying at the same time the basis both of future weekly publication and of new recruitment into the movement.

The significant cadre of intellectuals SKYISM TODAY, Wednesday 2nd February, 1977.

who have so far been won by the struggle for the politics of the WL must play their role, along with worker members in strength- ening further the content of the paper.

THEORETICAL WORK

At the same time there now exist develop the opportunities further to theoretical work of the movement. The in- coming National Committee must therefore oversee a full programme of education within the movement, particularly for new comrades fresh to Marxism, combined with a conscious effort to enrich the movement's on particular theoretical understanding problems - with special regard to further work on the origins and movement of the post-war economic crisis; more research into the history of British and international Trotskyism; and perhaps above all, a broad- ening and deepening of our understanding of the evolution of post-war Stalinism.

Other possibilities for development of the movement also exist. Since the WSL was formed just two years we have been ago approached by many self-styled "Trotskyist" groups. programmatic For our insistence on agreement and common practice as a basis for fusion with other tendencies we have earned the epithet 'sectarian' . It is, however, to the credit of our leadership that we have not abandoned the principled struggle for leadership and programme in the working class in favour of schematic "regroupment so popular with those bereft of strategies" any serious perspective for building a revol- utionary combat party in the working class.

Lenin in Red Square in 1920. The 3rd In and the prestige of the Bolsheviks among mil forces of the Left Opposition, led by Leon long principled struggle for theoretical elarity it is inadequate today to seek simply to 'fuse what basic differences of method exist betw fusion... we have earned the epithet 'sectarian Nevertheless, there exists the danger of bending the stick too far. The WL includes in its ranks comrades from several political traditions. We have leading comrades with experience of IS, IMG, RCG, etc.

This is a reflection of the willingness of more and more comrades to return to the foundations or our movement - the Trans- itional Programme and its method - and to attempt to come to grips with the struggle to build a revolutionary International.

Such a turn is not unconnected with the emergence of the Workers Socialist League.

It is therefore important that the WSL takes an interest in the developments within seeks to other organisations, and take tendencies maximum advantage from towards our positions emerging within organisations or sections of them.

be laid down in No blueprint can advance for this - the specific course of action in each case will have to be decided by the in-coming National Committee. If however we find that there exist organis- ations with which we have common ground then we should consider seriously a genuine effort to fuse with these organisations - subject of course to the approval of the comrades in the International Tendency should this be established.

ESSENTIAL

However, such approaches must not be task of allowed obscure the essential to recruitment of fresh forces to the banner of Trotskyism, hand in hand with a rounded struggle to build a cadre within the trade unions, to turn to the problems of youth, women and minorities, and to develop as part of an international movement - only in

this way will it be possible to resolve the crisis of leadership. Trade Unions The Transitional Programme makes it clear that: "In the struggle for partial and transitional demands the workers now more than ever before need class organisations, principally the trade unions".

At the same time it is only the Trans- itional Programme that can defend the trade independence ruling class. against

TROTS

attempts at collaboraton and disciping the working class through police methods.

The independence of the mass organisations of the working class is a vital precondition for taking up revolutionary tasks.

of a involves the development reformist drive the to out leadership. Democratisation of the mass organisations of the class

-BCCESSLALES LEC

defeat of the methods of the routine func- tionaries and the bureaucratic cliques.

It demands putting to the forefront in key struggles the demand for the regular election and right to recall all union officials and for them only to be paid the average wage of the workers they represent.

This campaign of course cannot in any way be separated from the political questions of the programme, nor from the development of a revolutionary party that ternational (Comintern) was able to draw on the strength of the revolutionary gains of October 1917 litant workers internationally. But the degeneration of the Comintern was fought against only by the (rotsky. When the Fourth International was established its most priceless asset was the fruit of this on the counter-revolutionary role of Stalinism and the need for revolutionary leadership. This is why * different tendencies claiming to be Trotskyist without first establishing what common ground and een them. Yet "for our insistence on programmatic agreement and common practice as a basis for struggles against the limitations of immed- iate trade union consciousness.

As Trotsky writes: *The more oppressed majority of the working class is drawn only episodically into the struggle, during a period of exceptional upsurges in the labour movement. During such moments it is necessary create organisations ad hoc embracing the whole fighting strike committees, factory 11abs. committees, and finally, soviets."

The struggle for the programme inseparable from the building of new, more flexible workers organisations which are open, for example, to women, youth and unemployed. We must learn the lessons of the "Fight the Cuts" committees in London and elsewhere, and deepen our understanding of the relationship between these committees and our struggle inside the various unions themselves.

Already in many unions we have laid a solid basis for intervention as a result of a determined but patient struggle for principle and programme. We strengthen must and recruit from our fight in wese TooLs, the unions. Youth The development of a serious group of cadres amongst the youth essential is an requirement for the growth and vitality of our movement. While more detailed atten- tion is given to this in our Youth Perspec- The Way Forward For Youth [See SP49] an outline of the work can be given Unemployment remains the central problem facing working class youth, hitting and thousands of particularly black youth school leavers who cannot find work because capitalism no longer has the capacity to employ them. The trade union bureaucracy offers no way forward to the working class youth in dealing with this question - all they can offer is the acceptance of more closures, more cuts in spending and less prospect of decent education.

READY TO FIGHT

not having But the youth themselves, betrayals of experienced the previous periods of crisis, have not participated in forming the opportunist trade union leader- of the period. They come ship boom forward instead today with a readiness to fight, while capitalism offers the young only long-term enforced financial worker and social dependence on the family by depriving him of work. A programme for youth must begin from the fact that youth unemployment demands not simply the defence of existing jobs but the creation of new ones.

So while we must fight the cuts imposed by the Labour government with a demand for the extension of education and the open- ing of higher education to all youth ready to study, we must also involve youth in the fight for a full programme of useful public works. under workers' control, paid at union rates. The extension of education of course calls for both a sliding scale of spending to protect against inflation, and a substantial strength of the revolutionary gains of October 1917 on of the Comintern was fought against only by the blished its most priceless asset was the fruit of this d the need for revolutionary leadership. This is why without first establishing what common ground and atic agreement and common practice as a basis for finance injection of additional into education. we demand the For youth at work extension of training schemes and release schemes, paid for initially by the capitalists but under trade union control.

The trade unions must turn towards the youth, and establish youth commissions to recruit and educate young workers.

Young workers' delegates must be brought on to trades councils, to unite their struggles with those of the local labour movement as a whole. for work among Our perspectives women are more fully set out in a special published shortly in document to be Trotskyism Today]. But again an outline approach of is useful in this more our general context. The capitalist crisis and its consequent attacks on the working class particularly affect working class women. They are most directly affected through all the cuts in the state sector, and by redundancies where many of them work. The depth of the crisis will drive as well other previously • little women, as organised sections of the working class, into class struggle and political activity for the first time. However they will not automatic- ally move towards socialist policies.

The bourgeoisie actively attempts to appeal to women against men workers, and at the same time now initiates an ideological campaign to reassert the traditional values of the family. Every attack on the working class unemployment, wage cuts, inflation, public spending youth and social service cuts, and unemployment - all increase the strain on and within the family as a social unit.

In this way the crisis of leadership in the working class and upheaval in the family are linked. The bourgeoisie defends and ideologically bolsters the family in order to cut across moves by workers to resolve these problems by serving their class interests.

In order to break down the isolation, fragmentation of the working class within the family, women must be drawn from the home into the direct organisations of the working class - prices committees, factory committees, etc. Only through a struggle for workers' control will the subordinate position of women in the family be undermined.

At the time we must develop same a socialist analysis of the ways in which capitalism has adopted and will enetitated sexual oppression. This inevitably involve an analysis of sexuality but this is not an abstract theoretical task Such work must be closely related to our daily political activity with women, and it will enable us to direct our interventions in such campaigns as the NAC and the gay liberation movement. It is vital to extend the method of the Transitional Programme to all general democratic demands which capitalism can- not satisfy, so that we can transform such movements into a strengthening of, rather than a diversion from the revolutionary struggles of the working class.

OPPOSED

The WSL must develop a programme to defend working women as part of the work- ing class. Such a programme will necessarily "all-class alliance' be in opposition to the of women represented by the petty-bour- geois women's liberation movement.

The questions facing all women can only be answered by the working class.

communal catering The building of facilities requires a development of the prod- uctive forces now only possible under social- ism, as does the drawing of women into the labour force with conditions and opportun- ities equal to men. The provision of completely free and safe contraception and abortion on demand both - pose workers' control of the Health Service, massive increases in public spending and the nationalisation of the NHS suppliers.

provision of adequate Likewise the nursery facilities demands a huge increase in the education budget. In fighting for such demands these implications must be drawn out and the fight directed towards enlisting the active mobilisation of the mass organisations of the working class in the fight to win them.

Immigrant workers in the coming period prospect of increasing racist and face the added the special police harassment to problems they already face as a section of the working class. the capitalist Drawn into economy during the "boom' to expand the labour force and prevent wage rises in service general situation of full industries in a employment, immigrants now face a massive democratic rights attack elementary on enshrined in the Tory Immigration Act of 1971. As the crisis develops further the immigrants as a pool of maintenance of unorganised low-wage labour becomes vital to industries on the verge of collapse - for example catering and the public sector Anti-racist demonstration in Bradford last year: mass where the bourgeoisie is carrying through massive spending cuts. The task of the Immigration Act is to erect a barrier between immigrant workers and the remainder of the working class, enabling the authorities and the employers to harass any attempt at trade union organ- isation among workers, immigrant and through this, in conjunction with orches- trated racist propaganda, to deflect the fight of all workers against wage cuts, unemploy- and housing shortages, away from ment attacking the bourgeoisie towards the immi- grant worker, set up as a ready scapegoat.

It is essential that we campaign for the repeal of the Immigration Act, and for the principle of the right of all workers to live and work in the country of their choice. We must demand the trade union leaders act on this question by fighting to organise immi- grant workers into the unions where none as yet exist, and ensuring that immigrant workers receive the necessary representation on trades councils and all local trade union committees. Only this will break the working class immigrant from the elaborate state campaign to establish "community relations councils" under the domination of the immigrant workers and separate them from the rest of Powell the working class. The question of defence of immigrant workers from racist and fascist attack is dealt with in Section 5 of this document - but two points need to be stressed here.

The first is that whereas combatting racist propaganda is important work partic ularly when the fight is carried right into the mass movement, that no amount of pure propaganda will in itself be enough to avert the dangers of racist division.

In the last analysis it is the fight to class as a class in mobilise the working action which alone can lastingly break down racist divisions. It is therefore crucial that our fight against racism is at no point separated from our programme of fighting demands on jobs and wages, or from our fight against the Labour and trade union bureaucracy whose efforts to prevent the resistance of the working class to capitalist attack provide the ground of confusion frustrated breeding essential for the racists and the fascists.

The second point is that where black self-defence groups begin to emerge in some areas we must resist any temptation to see the young workers in them either as ready made revolutionaries, or, even worse, as some kind of blank sheet of political paper simply write ou which we can on programme. There are a whole range of political tendencies active among immigrant workers many of them extremely hostile to Trotskyism. In particular Maoists, Stalinists ear: mass support showed base for workers defence

Lambert (OCRFI), Mandel (USFI) and Healy (IC): none will discuss history of Fl with a view to its reconstruction.

Page 4 and Black Nationalists are to be found.

It is only through detailed and patient that a firm political political struggle Felationship can be expected with these groups of militant youth.

begin this struggle by We must indicating both our support for their right to self defence and the direction we as Trotsky- ists feel that self-defence ought to take in order to connect up with the struggles of the working class as a whole.

In this way the strength of their resis- tance can be brought into the broader labour movement as part of the fight against the bureaucracy, and the power of the organised working class as a whole can be mobilised in the fight against racism and fascism.

The fight against unemployment which the WSL has continued on a number of fronts is a vital fight. It involves both the living standards of the defence of the working class and to prevent the fragmen- tation of the class through a division between employed and unemployed which threatens to sap the strength of the working class. The defence of existing jobs and the must therefore fight to create new ones be combined in our struggle. We have consis- of work tently advocated the demand demand which sharing on full pay, a summarises the Transitional Programme: "Against unemployment... the time is ripe to advance, along with the programme of public works, the slogan of a sliding seale of working hours. Trade unions and other mass organisations should bind the workers and the unemployed together in the solidar- ity of mutual responsibility.

On this basis all the work on hand would then be divided among all existing workers in accordance with how the extent of the working week is defined.

average wage of every worker The remains the same as it was under the old working week."

PUBLIC WORKS

In other words the defence of existing jobs through work sharing on full pay cannot be separated from the demand to extend jobs by a programme of public works. Trotsky makes clear the work is to be shared on full pay among the whole work- - employed and unemployed. As force Section 4 on programme shows, we fight for such a project of public works to be admin- istered by trade union committees.

On such committees must be repres- entatives of the unemployed workers. To facilitate this, and in the meantime to strengthen the links between the unem- ployed and the employed sections of the working class we are fighting in every area for the unions to recruit the unemployed, and guarantee them full rights as union members. The recruitment of such new layers can be crucial in our fight in each area against the bureaucracy, its acceptance of cuts and closures, and for new leadership.

FOLROSE

We regard the building of an inter- national revolutionary leadership as an essential prerequisite for the development of the Workers Socialist League.

this document consider We do not therefore as in any way separable from the and conclusions set out in our problems "Fourth Internat- document international Tasks" adopted at our ional: Problems and first conference.

EXPANDED

Our understanding of essential questions of post-war Stalinism, capitalist boom and crisis, and the history of the Fourth Inter- national must be expanded by the further work of our movement We must press further in the coming period with our initiatives towards an inter- national discussion on the problems of the Lambert (OCRFI), Mandel (USFI) an

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international, and take further steps to agreement and political relation- establish ships with those groups that have already stated they hold considerable common ground with us.

PRINCIPLED

It is even more important for us now to be part of a principled movement with or New York than members in Lisbon our national base to to expand simply Bristol or Edinburgh. development of our For the further international perspectives, we have a partic- ular responsibility as a British movement to develop our programme and practice on the the age-old Irish national of question question. We have only really begun this in the pages of Socialist Press, and further develop- ment is essential in at least two ways. We must on the one hand develop a programme section of the Fourth Inter- for an Irish national which can link Irish and British workers in the common struggle against British imperialism. And on the other hand we must become part of a fight in the British workers' move- ment for a campaign to force the removal of (USFI) and Healy (IC): none will discuss history of FI with a

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YISM TODAY, Wednesday 2nd February, 1977.

the British army from Northern Ireland.

With the collapse of the attempts at "power-sharing" British imperialism, by the inseparability of these two questions becomes even clearer. The WSI must now take up as a crucial question the fight in the working class movement, for the removal of troops. And having correctly rejected the petty bourgeois revisionist politics of the Troops Out Movement, we have the responsibility of developing a clear alternative.

It is the principled record of our move- ment and the many successful interventions we have already carried through that give us the confidence that these and many other problems which remain for the develop- ment of our movement can and will be solved. 20th September, 1976.

NEXT ISSUE

Perspectives for Work Among Women Part One. FI with a view to its reconstruction.