Socialist Press no. 56

REJECT PHASE III

SOCIALIST

PRESS *

COALITION

Every principled trade defiance of the official leadership.

unionist and every active Tus movement nas spurred on the struggle of against Labour Party supporter will workers officials. The high nothing have 11101 but derision priest of wage control Jack Jones and disgust for the rotten has since been beseiged in his deal hatched up on office at ransport nouse by Wednesday between Prime dockers, women workers from the Yardley's cosmetics factory, and Minister Callaghan and even students. Liberal leader Steel. The 'essence' of the agreement,

OWN WAY

as Home Secretary Kees put it These events provided the basis after the Parliamentary debate, is Tory decision, following for the "work through the economic the Parliamentary vote on the cuts policies, especially Phase III".

last week, to go ahead with a vote It is to obtain new allies and of censure against the Labour buy time for the next stage in the deal with the reactionary anti-working class working class in their own way. policies of this Labour govern- The Tories clearly decided that ment, to hold the fort on Phase II since Callaghan in co-operation -while are being aLLaCKS with the union bureaucracy was prepared. showing a diminishing ability to hold back the working class, it

SAVE NECKS

was essential for them to take This is a deal aimed to save the over the reins of power. necks of Callaghan and his right- Rather than risk a defeat wing government by going inflicted by the working class, behind the back of the Tories wanted to do it them- the working class movement and selves. the junior capitalist They intend to put millions turning to Parliamentary party more work. to reduce

OUL

OT It has already been hailed by public spending to the bone, and every enthusiastic wage-cutter and to bring wages down to the levels social in the With destroyer 1930s. economic Parliamentary Party policies like these, enormous and part of 'a new alignment in British violent repression could not be far a further decisive step of 00 11eS behind. the right-wing leadership away This means that a Tory govern- from the working class. ment is likely to return soon with Extreme right wing MP John no alternative to Callaghan having McIntosh declared himself del. been developed the

PLP.

ighted and Reg Prentice found he could change his vote as a result.

The origins of the political If the fight for a new leader- crisis of the last week is the ship had been taken up within the strength and determination of the Labour Party it would have been working class, and at the forefront response from cuaranteed the toolroom workers of British workers sick of Callaghan's cuts, Leyland to protect their standard wage controls and unemployment.

of living. But what did the 'lefts' do in

HOSTILITY

the face of this challenge?

From the very start, there was This determination has spilt never any question that a single over working class into violent Labour MP. however "left' hostility to every section of the reputation would threaten in any trade union bureaucracy way the Labour government. Soon after Scanlon was And though four ministers- shouted down and humiliated at Shore, Orme. Benn and Scottish Birmingham historic noW Secretary Millan-voted against meeting on 11 March, he support- the deal in the Cabinet, this was the management not the sign of a fight but of a cabinet in theatening to sack the capitulation to Callaghan.

3,000 toolmakers and was met by national strike

IGNOMINIOUS

aeveloping their support. Even the In area after when ignominious area AWFW pact had been concluded, not a branches, district committees and single 'left' MP was prepared to shop quarterly Sue WaTeS come out with decisive condem- ings gathered to pass motions of nation. outright opposition to Scanlon's Norman Atkinson found support for management. regrettable. and Eric Heffer said It was increasingly obvious that 'as long as we haven't given that action in support of the tool- maybe this is a too much away temporary expedient' could WorKers pronortions__in massive Michael Foot-he will head the "joint consultative committee" fighting the government need no The fact is that, as the Chemies Workers Socialist League state- on the back -printed page points out, the "lefts' should have demanded and themselves set up a new leadership based on socialist policies. Failing this, they should have voted against the government and for the mobilisation of the working class in defence of jobs, and the social wages services. The cowardice and lack of alternative provided by the lefts played essential part in the an preparation of the coalition agree- ment with the Liberals. The union leaders, who were beginning to fear for Phase II, began to hedge their bets against the return of a Tory government. In the end of course, the TUC leaders thought that the way to hold their members back was to cringe to every coalitionist current. After the announced, TUC General. was General Secre tary Murray found the 'prospect of keeping a Labour government power a very agreeable thought. It was these moves within the Parliamentary Labour Party and TUC that provided the basis The for the coalitionist agreement that saved the ment and its Phase II However fragile and temporary the made with the Liberals, it is important to empha- that the arrangements which SIse been have made, David Steel put it 'unprecedented'. He

FORTNIGHTLY PAPER OF

WORKERS SOCIALIST LEA

No 56 * March 25th 1977 long way and gave a lot. For the junior capitalist party there will be full consultation on future policy, government much greater influence on than government policy abour Party Conference or an members or supporters in the Labour movement. The fact remains that the working class has not been bought off or defeated. There are many more workers who are now moving in the wake determined the toolmakers, maintain and improve their living standards. improve their living conditions. As the developing national strike, after the sacking threat, showed, the working class itself has not yet spoken on this latest treacherous sell-out of their interests. Labour Party members must now demand a recall con- repudiate the deal terence •TO with the Liberals and to elect a new leadership to put forward socialist policies This will only be successful in alliance with a continued offen- sive against Phase II of the Social Contract. The anger and determination the tool- that has been shown by men, the dockers, the hotel workers and many more, now be mobilised for wage settle that protect living

SUCHES

standards by allowing wages to rise with the of living as

-COSE

determined by the workers them- selves. Election campaign or not, it is only through the fight on policies such as these that the interests of class the working now Benn - no fight

IN THIS

SPECIAL

ISSUE

This special edition of Socialist Press has been produced by the Workers Socialist League to meet the needs of the fast developing political situation. The unofficial coalition between the Labour Party and the Liberals, precipitat- by the toolroom workers' strike, demands close study full and a analysis. In this issue the WSL examines the manoeuvres the Labour Party found necessary to stay in office and the way that the 'left' MPs, and union bureau- crats capitulated to the shabby deal. We also examine in depth the political lessons of the toolmakers' strike (Pages 4 and 5) and the way that it has been misinterpreted by left groups, the Communist Party and the capitalist press (Page 6 and 7). Leyland's role as an inter- national exploiter is examined in depth on Page 2. To put the crisis into perspective the WS also presents the first of a two part survey of the history of wage controls under the Labour Party and the bureaucratic measures taken to introduce them (Page 3).

Finally (Page 8) we publish the text of a state ment put out by the National Committee before the election deal was fixed calling on the Labour 'lefts to prepare for an election by putting forward a social- ist programme and voting against the government if it

CONTRO NUCENZIAMENT:

LEYLAND PASSPORT

LEYLAND INNOCENTI

TO INTERNATIONAL

OPPRESSION

Despite the financial catas- trophe suffered by some of its Spain, Italy subsidiaries (in and Australia), British Leyland vast international remains And, wherever company. it shows the same operates, arrogant hostility to workers' "liaison commit- ment-dominated tee. The workers boycotted it and demands as it shows in every a referendum of the demanded dispute in Britain. workers. In Italy on November 26 1975 and the Leyland refused Leyland announced complete union called the first recognition

TAP

closure of its Innocenti workers and The years. strike foI many all 4,500 workers. striking sack all the tried to sacked company put workers and, when the union was Although every possible obstacle in the way forced to retreat, refused to employ workers' organisations, had played a part in anyone who elected factory especially organising the union. council, the workers occupied the spread its

MAWU

tried to plant. recruiting to the Elandiontein plant After five bitter months, during but the Union secretary and other Leyland refused to pay workers organising within the plant which the compensation penny in arrested by promptly the occupation and threatened sacked workers, Security Branch ended because of the betrayal by with various charges. the leaders of the Italian Commun- They cooked up a deal ist Party.

REFUSAL

and Italian government with capitalists to 'rescue' the factory- That was three years ago. The which agreement for recognition

MAWU

campaign thread of without a Leyland And continued. has security. recognition. refuse continues have been Union organisers incessantly intimidated and victim-

FIRMER CONTROL

with claims that ised. Leyland operate in Leyland prefers to to unbelievable hypocrisy, countries where the activities of the recognise the union now might set under firmer state of African trade are back the cause control-in places like South Africa unionism. and India where a combination of truth is that any increase The in the power of the black workers starvation wages and brutal repres workers by the state in alliance with Leyland management have produced high profits.

Leyland has South Africa three factories. At Blackheath near Cape Town it manutactures Mobeni assembles cars; and at Elandsfontein Durban and at Transvaal it makes vans and trucks.

Leyland South 1973 Since Africa has been involved in a long its 800 or so black dispute with workers. Through a policy based on collusion with lies, hypocrisy and racist repression of the state, Leyland has refused to the trade union to which its black morkers belong.

RECOGNITION

Allied Workers The Metal and

(MAWU)

first began Union the Mobeni recruit members in plant in April 1973. Within three months 95% of the black workers had joined. MAWU applied for recognition which Leyland refused, saying was illegal. South In fact, though under unions are denied Africa law black any of the facilities given to White unions, they are not as such illegal, is illegal for individual

DOI

companies to negotiate with them.

Faced with Leyland's refusal the union retreated and tried instead to elect representatives to the plant works committee'. Leyland refused to recognise

LICS

entatives beginning of At the 1914 (whose wage in 1974 was £10 a week) would set back the cause of might Leyland's profits and deals with its lucrative threaten Vorster's racist dictatorship.

of proportion very large production, for Rover Land South sold the example. „LO and police-and are in internal security used widely operations.

BLACK ON SUPPLIES

British Leyland Combine The Committee voted last year for the going to black suppiles

VIL

African subsidiary until South MAWU gained recognition Jones and Murray, • Jack EtIt Hugh Scanion claim to support this with But in accordance demand. their class collaborationist in Britain, they have done absolute- ly nothing to enforce it.

Meanwhile Leyland is trying to crush the union in South Africa by Mobeni operations moving its Cape where Blackheath in the MAWU has no strength. Leyland's activities in India have been even less publicised than those South Africa. But they reveal same ruthless hostility to its the workers. South African police use British Leyland Land Rovers to supplement their armoured vehicles 4500 IN Workers in Milan demonstrate against the closure of Leyland's plant at Innocenti Ashok Leyland in Ennore At manufacturing and in Madra. operation employs 4,000 assembly workers making old models using which the old machinery

OLL

high. intensity of 15฿

WOIK

the plant Skilled workers receive about a fifth of the wage of Britain. unskilled worker in all trade unionist who British managed to visit the plant last year Gandhi's Dictator emer- during gency reports that it is ringed by wire fences and bristling with state police.

RUTHLESS

is a police station at the There entrance to the plant and the police inside the intervene continuousiy finding He reported factory. ruthless management hated by the workers'. of long history There 15 intimidation and in the violence against trade factory militants. This takes the form of a struggle the independent unions between and the stooge unions run by the and backed up by Congress Party the police. management and the SOCIALIST PRESS, Friday 25 March, 1977

"LEA

LAND-™

CENT

hire unions regularly The stooge armed thugs to terrorise shop floor militants. The Leyland management was in forefront of the brutal strike- the actions taken breaking employers to crush the widespread strikes in Madras in 1972.

SYCHOPHANTIC

is run by British The factory backed up by senior managers sychophantic Indian of group It was some middle these who told the visiting British English unionist that trade us that have told managers Mrs Gandhi has done in India (the suppression and British the trade union rights) government should do there' like that Leyland management, firms India have been tum supporters of multinational other the Gandhi emergency. Leyland's brutal and reactionary actions in India, like those in South by the up Africa, must be taken Britain. in workers By Henry Phillips

SOCIAL CONTRACI-

SOCIALIST PRESS, Friday 25 March, 1977 The latest phase in wage control and reduction of living standards has led to the political crisis which has been for this special the occasion "Socialist Press. edition of However, it is well to use this issue to begin to set out the origins of these arrangements from the Labour government very the wake of the elected in miners' defeat of the Tories at the beginning of 1974. Ever the Labour since then government has moved consistently and push down wages conditions.

HIGH POINT

high point of the From the the Labour settlement, government began to try and push back every wage settlement.

On the basis of a loose 'compact' with the unions the election of the government October1974 with the of 30% ceiling establishing fact that the railmen wages! The broke this limit in June and Labour leaders forced

TANC

their capitalist allies to begin to at the need look more SerIOUSLy for wage controls. under which The conditions could be seriously such the Wilson govern- considered by were not long in presenting themselves.

UNHOLY

Engineered Treasury Ministers Phase I of the Social Contract introduced inflationary crisis to confront British capitalism since cne wal. Chancellor in the making to Labour MPs in the 1, 1975, argued that: July "We must accept a 10% cut in of living and public the standard The alternative is to expenditure.

AN EXERCISE

IN COERCION

The struggles of the working class have made the Social Contract increasingly continuation of the an difficult task for the Labour government. In this, the first of two articles on the history of the Social Contract, IAN SWINDALE traces the way in which TUC bureaucrats and the Wilson government combined to impose wage controls almost as soon as Labour came into office in 1974.

TGWU conference, the the International Mone- crawl the terms only motions in opposition to the Fund and accept aiter- they impose on us". Contract sliding But a proposal, involving

NUCH

controls, public scale of wages to protect workers massive Wart inflation-were doubling moved by slin Thornett from tre spending cuts and oi could only be

WHO YE.

(Cowley Assembly Plant) imposed if the conditions were 5/293 created by trade union Branch. first the particularly Jack bureaucra the

STRUGGLE

TGWU

Jones of and Huch Scanlon of the AUEW. was made by Arguing that the working The first move who floated the idea of a were not responsible for inflation, Jones Thornett said that the trade unions flat increase for all wage should do the job they were built of £6 At the workers a week for through years of struggle and

TGWU

argued Conference, workers-defend for this voluntary wage control on living standards basis that government impose legal pay Within a week of the TGWU restraint. and in the light of an conference, announcement by the then Prime

PEDDLING

Minister Wilson that statutory wage would shortly controls Peddling the false argument that introduced voluntary wage wage increases were the controls were not accepted, the of said that he Inflatiol.

TUC

General Council met and trade unionists should make their accepted the £6 flat rate.

"national by a voluntary curtailing

COLLAPSED

For its part of the 'bargain' the The only remaining possible lead was that of Arthur Soargill whose Yorkshire Area NUM had tabled a public expenditure. their Stating that the only alternative conterence to the Social Contract was legally demanding a £100 a week wage for Under imposed wage face workers. collapsed and replaced the still, the return of the Tories, Jones Scargill "demand" word won the vote at the TGWU confer- word with "seek". ence and the first major establishing wage controls had been The way sewn in the confusion having been ranks of the working class by the trade union bureaucrats, for union leadership after union leadership to working class, posed right the outset by the Workers Socialist settle within the £6 limit Having successfully defended League. Scargill - his collapse opened the way for wage controis.

against the living standards recent inflationary spiral, with tae example smashing, the original 30% ceiling only weeks before the £6 limit was introduced, full effects of wage contro! the took some months to work through to the point where its impact class living standards workIng began to be felt. Consequently the first few months of Phase I were lack of action marked by the wages front.

EMPLOYMENT

government, Meanwhile the Jones and which according to Scanion committed to their were part of the Social Contract-main- employment and public taining quickly made clear spending-very that they had no intention of doing such thing And the union any demonstrated leaders Trel Gres that they had no intention of fight- ing government on attacks working class-far from it.

government's back against met immediate resistance policies Nine from the bureducracy. members of the Strathclyde District Brigade Committee of the Fire Union were expelled for trying to take on Wilson's pay laws while in industry, chiefs the steel accepted thousands of redundan- cies.

LOGICAL

As the Workers Socialist League argued at the time, the advocacy of redundancies by union leaders was the logical outcome of accepting the Social Contract as the means of The defending capitalism In CrisIs. unemployment was fight agalnst therefore inseparable from the fight against wage controls. In an attempt to divert attention from the fact that the government continuing its attacks on the was class, the trade union working butternative strategy with with bureaucracy came al. "selec- import controls the central tive" plank.

SUBSTITUTE

nationalist This reactionary fight against the subat to tact, against the Social Contract, attempting "own" class to their working competition with bourgeoisie other capitalists internationally.

As the WSL argued at the time, import controls lead away from the all out struggle against the employers necessary to defend jobs.

ballot of

NUM

Meanwhile members resulted in acceptance of the £6 by a narrow 3-2 margin and the TUC were forced to defend the Social Contract against an ASTMS Page 3 PHOTO: John Sturrock, Report reserve powers to back the £6 limit Not defending content with Labour government and unemployment forcing the union bureau- wages,

CUTERS

took up the fight for стасу higher productivity in the factories, attempt to force centred on their "participation' on the workforce of British Leyland, now largely owned and being run government in the interests the primarily 0i privately owned car component firms.

AVOIDED

It was in November 1975 that the Labour government nad to go to the IMF for the first of those Healey argued six loans that months previously could be avoided if the working class accepted a cut in living standards of 10%.

loan-£1,000 The price of the massive million -was cuts and further spending public of industry-speed rationalisation up and unemployment.

SHATTERED

By now every single argument of the trade union bureaucracy was the reality. being shattered by Wage controls had been imposed but inflation continued at record levels, the government was allowing rocket well unemployment to over the million mark, the sacrifices made in order to avert loans based public cuts had on spending resulted in-loans based on further public spending cuts; and far from the danger of a Tory government averted, the disillusionment of Labour voters threatened a mass abstention at a future election ana the certain return of the almost Tories.

OBVIOUS

Under these conditions it was becoming increasingly obvious that the working class would not accept controls for secon year. wage By the end of 1975, unemploy- risen to 1.2 million, an ment had of 100% since the begin- increase ni February 1976 a furter to and of the Contract, of cuts were being proposed in a government White Paper As resistance began to grow, the trade union leadership were force to take an increasingly bureaucratic stance in their attempts to polix the working class. Central to this was a systematic attempt in union after ümon power in the hands of concentrate 'reliable' full time paid officials of expense of the Porting as on the stop for, the elected representatives

Toolmakers so for Social connection between Trade The n democracy and the imposition age controls was violently demon- ed last week with the decision of AUEW Executive Council to sup- British Leyland management and Labour Cabinet in their decision ick the 3,000 striking toolmakers.

unprecedented move, advocated by Scanion Hugh was me of 'participation', the acceptance ade union leaders that the viability of the primary ObJewtIve on and Jones's "Keep Working" front the Company newspaper, spread ad Mirror, last Autumn. supporting the sackings Scanlon knew normity of his action. Of the 3,000 to cked 63 were shop stewards, and many branch officers and District Com 50% of the Oxford ES. ror example. Committee ct were involved sacked if they and would have been jot returned to work

POWERFUL BLOW

knew that his humiliating canion also tion at the hands of 3,000 toolmakers Town Hall the previous irmingham was a powerful blow for the inde- action of class and working Lne

CIL

those collaborating with manage- and soval! knew that the almost unanimous vote him had exposed the enormous of the trade union bureaucracy. revealed the reality-that their had the strength of strength was rent and of government and that gement with a determined section of members they were exposed and swept he side. implications of this canion knew the lopment and the effect it would have on

WE ARE

NOT

CHALLENGING

THE SOCIAL

CONTRACT.

the rest of the working class who would say -if the toolmakers can do it why should we be pushed around? The writing was on the wall. He knew that since the Labour govern- ment rests completely on the TUC bureau- and in particular Jones and Scanion, chat thin that development called into question Labour government to the ability ot the rule. It was this pressure, to save the Labour which led Scanlon to support government, the sackings in a desperate bid to get the toolmakers back to work and retrieve some credibility for the battered leadership of the

AUEW.

TORE UP CARDS

He gambled and lost. Within hours, strike action developing into national proportions swept the AUEW in support of the toolmen.

Next day skilled workers in a number of straight plants arrived back home. Other sections were organısing.

Didcot In the Oxford District, for example, AUEW members decided not power station only to strike but to picket the car plants

AUEW

skilled Harwell Atomic Research last year tore their union who up 11114. the District cards because • they decided for Committee was too militant action. meeting was called to organise a strike of all skilled East the Bradford area. The Committee District Birmingham condemned the EC action.

SUPPORTING ACTION

Other sections taking supporting action Ford, Rolls at chrysler, were

LOCATEKON

Royce and AC Delco, while AUEW branches who, the had began to move objected any kind of to taking action. PHOTO: John Sturrock, Report Roy Fraser There is little doubt that the rejection of Scanlon and the strikes in support of the toolmakers compounded the political crisis of the Labour government and became major factor in the decision of Thatcher to press a vote of no confidence in the govern- ment. Until now the Tories have been content to allow the Wilson/Callaghan Labour leader- ship attack the working class on their behalf. But having seen the ability of the Labour government to rule destroyed, they are faced with the necessity of doing the themselves-difficult as that will be. job That the toolroom strike precipitated a no governmental crisis came IdOl surprise to the WSL. I spoke in 13 public during the toolroom strike, support of WSL policy In each meeting I stressed that the tool- makers had thrown the Labour government into deep and the trade union bureaucracy SOCIALIST PRESS, Friday 25 March, 1977 The toolroom workers have left the Sociali humiliated discredited in the leadership and working class. ALAN THORNETT, a can In this article Secretary and BLMC shop steward at Cowley and the key role of a leadership that refused t Writing in a personal capacity, he traces th attacks on workers by trade union bureaucrat Labour government alike-wage controls.

political crisis and that the strike represented a direct threat to the continuation of the Contract survival of the Social the Labour government. of those meetings that In all but two was challenged by members of assessment the IMG who would only concede that the strike represented, along with other struggles "the beginnings of a fight back". The task "organise the fight they now sala, was to through the April 3 National Confer- back" ence, the April 19 one day strike and so on.

The reality was that a section of workers were on strike who had the power to close down a section of the engineering industry covering two million workers.

They had a right wing leadership determined to avoid of the strike and the the political issues confrontation with the govern- inevitable ment over the Social Contract.

therefore, was to The immediate task tackle the leadership problems, the political extension •of and development, that strike. have fitted into This may the IMG's schema but it was central to the break Phase Il of the Social struggle to If the toolroom strike had been Contract. would have been defeated control wage strengthened Tackling the development of the strike within struggle meant developing committee to begin to explain the strike political issues involved to the mass of tool- for the struggles preparation makers in ahead.

CONFUSION SEWN

The essential prerequisite for this was a clear and accurate assessment of the strike itself. It was necessary to refute the confusion sewn by the media about "differentials" and establish that the motivating force of the strike was the Social Contract and the fall in the standard of living and that the strike reflected the mood of the whole working

SEPARATE RIGHTS

There is a dangerous element in the tool makers' claim-they are demanding separate corporation-wide negotiating rights This falls in line with management basis. policy and could be used by management as à lever to impose the corporate principle on all grades of workers in Leyland.

The corporate principle would centralise wage bargaining in the hands of the national and hamstring Leyland workers in officials effort to re-establish previous wage levels. This danger must be strongly pointed out and the policy opposed within the tool It could not however makers' committee. influence our attitude towards the toolroom strike itself. With the strike ranged against the Social Contract and giving the possibility of striking a blow against wage control for the dangers working class, British Leyland bargaining in corporate The crucial task, and one taken up by the Workers Socialist League, was to call for full support for the toolmakers' struggle and pose an alternative policy wage- cutting Social Contract-the sliding scale of Recognition of the real nature of the wages. Social the strike as struggle Contract coupled with a fight to have wages linked to inflation so that workers incomes are compensated on a point for point basis for increases in the cost of living were the

und deathknell Contract SOCIALIST PRESS, Friday 25 March, 1977 Contract hanging by a thread, and the TUC it efforts to hold back struggles of the lidate in the TGWU election for General • points the political lessons of the strike, b face the real implications of the struggle.

connection between the anti-democratic Land the central platform of the TUC and historically, In fact, the toolmakers' struggle has developed in step with the rising hostility of the working class wage control. Socialist Press made the following point in a lead article last April dealing with the strikes of toolmakers at Triumph, Rover, Tractor and Transmissions and SU Carburet- tors which had lasted four weeks. (They had been instructed back to work by the AUEW Executive and Tractors and SU had rejected the instruction). "But strength within the working class-the same strength which defeated the removed them from Tory government and office; the same strength that defeated the Industrial Relations Court; the same strength that forced through last year's railwaymen's claim; that strength has not been pay confronted or defeated by the employers. It emerges still in the continuing pay strike at plant, BIL'S lIractors and fransmissions the SU strike, and in the surprise decision of the Coventry AUEW District Committee to reject the Executive instruction."

LETTERS PASSED

The issue remained very much active whilst letters were passed between the com-

TILLEC.

cue managemenl anu we umon, un December 6, successful one day token strike was called throughout British Leyland as a shot across the bows of the manage- ment. On February 18 1977 the call went out for an of nition the negotiating body, a demand which the tool makers saw as leading quickly to cash on the nail. The strike received the solid support of 3,000 Leyland-not 50% as claimed by the manage- ment. Llanelly and Swindon. The massive backing given to the Tool- room Committee from the start of the strike again reflected the . It was the working class. rejection of the official leadership and the searching for an alternative leadership which could lead a fight on wages.

From the first day the strike met the bitterest hostility from the entire official leadership of the trade union movement.

INSTRUCTED BACK

The strikers were promptly called upon or instructed back to work by every group of bureaucrats who could be got together: the Executive Council of the TGWU; a unan- imous vote of the 21 unions in the Confed; of BL conveners from both the Шостціво

AUEW

and the TGWL: a special Sunday meeting Can (-----a participation" WEB and the Hose :::=20% he toolmakers := E: =11 The IS 50:::5=37 f the Cowley Bad: Put: action, partment. 1es5ti oss the toolmakers =i*: Then they refused 1a2 ZE=*.:: District Secretari i orber t20000r eat: s 10= E-- Hugh Scanlon TGWU members out to move vou" At the Castle Bromwich Body Plant when drivers refused to cross the picket throughout theMidlands area" The second thing to emerge was a list of to designed to deal with the strike: close down the whole combine until workers agree not riKe dose one plant as an example, sell off the volume car section.

ridiculous. The combine was already closed down, all the plants are integrated and the termination of volume car production would collapse the economy of the Midlands and is politically impossible for a Labour govern- standard threat to cut off finance. The result political crisis of the government deepened while Callaghan placed the ball in Scanlon's Scarlon, having at first between the AUEW Executive and represen- District Committees was seen by the government, the employers and the trade union bureaucrats as the move stewards arrived to find that there were 11 of them and 12 others. When the vote was put for a return to work and for Scanlon to meet the 3,000 toolmakers at a single mass meeting it was carried with a majority of toolmakers voting On returning to their districts the minor- with Scanlon were heavily attacked by their members and when the full 63 stewards met recommend rejection of Scanlon's terms at meeting due to be held the follow- The media was shocked. The strike was Scanlon's manoeuvres turned what would have been a hostile meeting into a near riot.

Only appeals from the strike leaders secured Scanlon a hearing at all.

When the vote was taken there sere only 11 prepared to back a vote also place ibe ball cact in the =Is a the management azd the gorera- is tier a leggie meeting with the ther onue Promptly, and correctly, Roy Fraser, on behalf of the strike committee said: "We do not think there will be any break- ing of our ranks. We are now running into a type of industrial relations attitude of the 1930s. This will affect every worker in this country if Leyland management succeeds in this type of coercion". The strike committee voted to recom- mend the continuation of the strike and to call for support from other skilled men both inside and outside British Leyland if the sackings were carried out.

FLOWING IN

The Wednesday March following day, 16, a full meeting of the 63 toolroom shop was held. Already stewards support was flowing in from other skilled sections. But was a change in the meeting. Derek there Robinson, leading Communist Party mem- ber, AUEW convener at Longbridge, man of the Cars Council and a toolroom steward was at the meeting.

There were three positions voiced at the meeting: (1) acceptance of the strike com- mittee recommendation; (2) to make a fresh offer to management and the AUEW-to roommend a return to work on condition three sided meeting took place here agreat the AÑEW Executive tha toolsakers" Fay 222=0 Robinson's position of an interate st= abe words omplete surele 2234515FA

TEN: = IT

FE0E HEITE

".-i Page 5 Toolroom workers going into the Birmingham meeting before voting to return to work.

AUEW

Executive compromised -with the Executive dropped their The

LOOKIARAN

opposition to the unofficial nominating its and the representatives dropped their opposition to management discussing the toolmakers' pay grievances in isolation. The deal was a sell-out. The concessions made by management were worth very little.

The meeting was held without top manage- ment or national union officials in atten- dance and described as "low key" But toolmakers went back far from They were not intimidated, and defeated. had gone back believing that important gains had been made. They followed the commit- tee in which they had so much confidence.

LAST CARD

It was a sell-out because their leaders took them back at the point where all was possible. Fifteen of Leyland Cars' 18 models were at a standstill. The last card had been played by the management, the government and the bureaucrats. The working class was coming forward to defend them against the sack. The demands could have been won in full. The leadership retreated when the reality which they had avoided from the start was inescapable-a political struggle bring Famite Sedal Contract. 1: 5 & ge: Thare to the strength of the despite the sellout the == : are of the = IE

TELETEL

Differentials no-Wages yes!

Page 6 Toolmen in focus The Importance of the toolroom warkers strike can be seen by the vigour with which it was attacked and defended On these pages we analyse how the other left groupe sow the issue and how the Stalinists and the capitalist press reacted, We Include some comments from toolmen interviewed by Socialist Press and a briet history of their committee

TEN YEARS ON

The roots of the toolroom But the union bureaucracy, dead committee stretch back ten set against allowing negotiations for any section of workers to bypass years to a pub in Chipping their control, refused to support Norton where the first dele- the claim management together after gates came separately. Castle Bromwich taken Leyland was And themselves, far from wanting another group nego- into the Pressed Steel empire.

tiating separately wanted to direct Endon and Butobody Die or all claims through the bureaucrats Swindon Autobody Dies they had come to know and depend the gallicica on. King's into became Arms what Chipping known the Norton As a shot accross the bows the Committee. toolmen staged a one-day strike on

EMERGENCE

It was a shot the company, the government Its emergence serious were to ignore, but it was the signal industrial and political force political crisis that was to last year at the time of the strike by toolmakers Triumph, Rover, When the all out strike began in Tractors and Transmissions and SU February the bureaucrats still did Carburettors, all within the Leyland not understand what had happened.

group. All these factories as well as the instruction to Longbridge plant, and Rearsby Engineering joined now

LIOT

not a the committee, which switched its meetings from Chipping Norton to The Good Companions in Birming- Birmingham District Secretary, Bert ham. And it was here that their claim The pressure that had built up for the right to separate negotia- tions took shape. under the dispute and which took it From the beginning the leaders to the point of a near general strike of the toolmen were obsessed with throughout the

AUEW

was the same pressure that gave Scanlon the going through every correct consti- tutional step. They biggest humiliation of his career. the WOle they The toolmakers' committee had management, wrote the union, they visited MPs. been ignored at scanion's peril. "Differentials? don't mind them getting more than me if we were getting a decent wage.

"But were not getting a decent wage and that highlights the ques- tions of differentials". Trevor, a 25-year-old toolmaker Cowley the question of differentials in a nutshell His take home pay is f44 and the real comparison he makes is not with other toolmakers but with the £30.35 he took home when he started four years ago-a sum worth more then in real terms. The meeting at Cowley, like that before, Birmingham dav bad just voted for a return to work.

"If we stayed out we'd become martvrs. Ihe manazement and the to put the government are trying unions against one another.

IMPORTANT

company and the union had to do the end because the something in *British Leyland pay lip service whole thing was so well known. industrial relations; but good The feeling against Scanlon was they've had a hell of a long time to An ex-convener told us sort it out. With the union behind it Birmingham mass nis view or tne they would have gone ahead with "bused' meeting to which Leyland the sackings Ten support sup workers from other plants.

"Scanion workers began completely the wrong foot. He began by saying vo: all toomakers saw the talks ita: light. One shop steward "colleagues; he didn't even said "brothers': the whole place just Sations changed since last exploded-that was before he had sad anoter word l ve never beer with him. disgusted with him in my life- represeatatives go SO it was disgraceful. I'd go so far as to "12e] can't get out of it now. Something really be done must say that the woole executive should be suspended." sorke o5 their hands. Another toolroom worker said: "Ite way llook at it, Scanion is "The meeting was chaotic. last legs. But it's the same certainly The •occus lly with all these union officials. bitter. This were very been talme on thing has going been workers in Cowley in the last three since 1965. "Scanlon had a really Tests won't close down; uncom- tere's too Fluch at stake.

fortable time. He just gave all the -I IcE's think they would have same old excuses. Because of his derai sack us Not once ther attitude he asked 1oг it." realised that other workers, nothing Talking to the toolmakers also In looking at the record of Marxist the International dealing Group with the recent toolroom strike it is clear that we are taking up not isolated incident but a Red Weekly did not report the week long toolroom strikes in March 1976, the most important after they were over, and then only place in November last year, marking the emergence of struggle Phase II of the Social Con- Red Weekly did not mention it at all, commenting after the event started on February 18th this year was not mentioned in the edition of Red Weekly published on February The next edition centred on Wille. position anse from an organisation considering itself Trotskyist? Labour Move- Committee the draft resolutions for both the conference provide a part of the Soon after the committee was formed in July 1976 WSI members on it advocated the convening of an Wage Autumn conference Control and Union Democracy- take up conference which would the all cuts, unemployment and attacks on the working class but the went 3,000 was prepared to vote for a efforts of Scanlon, so long as the was set to stay out. prepared to vote to stay out after go about the kind of meeting that had by one toolmaker waiting to voted almost unanimously to go back to committee says go back asking for one thing and in reply

CLASS STRUGGLE

LEAVES IMG COLD

essentially drawing the connection between bureaucratic abuse and the imposition of wage control from - above. The IMG opposed this perspec- tive, arguing that the working class were in retreat, were not fighting wages and theretore that should direct main thrust Our towards the social service cuts. This resulted in the Workers Socialist League carrying through first conference almost single ine handed with the IMG attacking it in their press and sending a token problems of programme and leader- ship confronting the working class in this period and above all rammed class had never accepted Phase II but had it foisted on them; that struggles would emerge against wage controls towards the end of the year; that we had to prepare to fight for leadership and programme This became the springboard for the recall conference. When discus- Darlaston and Salisbury that we small strikes and o the November 17 anti-cuts demon- stration as the major development.

They pointed to the fall in strike figures as evidence that the working class were in retreat.

BIT

Toolmakers meeting in Birmingham Town Hall whatever the committee says."

do The leadership, having stood up to the combined weight of govern-

NEB,

and Scanlon, ment, was trusted absolutely by the member- ship. If Fraser had called for an indefinite strike or a return work, ne could Have won ener One Birmingham toolmaker, asked what he thought about the talks which had up,

OCCI

replied: "The opinion I get is that it unacceptable and was Monday. already rejected last think there will be a bit of kicking up about it but I think it will be passed". Another thought the talks were a way for Scanion to give in while saving face. "Scanlon cannot say he'll meet can't say with the committee. that. But if our committee is not there can or less guarantee a load of dissatisfaction".

TOO MAKET

in: "If we are heard this chipped not there when the talks begin SOCIALIST PRESS, Friday 25 March, 1977 WSL comrades pointed out that the class struggle cannot be measured in a crude émpirical and simply 'quantitative way.

The form was a reduction in strike figures, the content was a political explo- sion beneath the surface

EXPLOSIVE

proposing In the conference

'WSL

resolution comrades pressed for this explosive element to be its central direction and that program- matic proposals be orientated towards a rapid development of When the toolmakers struck against the Social Contract the IMG refused to recognise its importance.

In the pre-conference public meetings they presented it as "the beginning of a fight back" Derek Robinson Arguing for an organised inter- vention into the April 3 conference, called by the BL Joint Shop Stewards Committee but inspired the Communist Party, Red Weekly describes it (on March 3 1977) as real opportunity co-ordinate the battle against the treacherous attacks of the Labour government". Yet that conference will oppose fights on Phase II, will be less "representative' than the IMG claim and bureaucratically controlled.

CORRECT

It is correct of course to organise an intervention into the April 3 conference, but to pose it as more important than the CDLM confer- ence which is aimed at supporting sections fighting Phase is grotesque. The national strike day оле called by the Communist Party for April for "free collective bargaining in August" is a similar diversion. Defending on the British Leyland Combine Commit- tee. Derek Robinson said: have to have this token If we are strike. not seen to do something we will be overtaken by our members" Weekly on March 17 Yet Red one-day can turned into a movement which will sweep away Phase Ill.

FIGHTING

League The " Workers Socialist for different will be fighting at the

CDLM

con- perspective We have fought for the working class to be at the confer- ence, represented Dy nose seculons now fighting government policy. If bring the most advanced we can element from those struggles to the conference it can not only discuss conditions of a programe wilde. living movement but can make a material intervention into Those struggles through the development of leadership. That the IMG can be so wrong on the wages issue and so wrong on.

the toolroom dispute closely 1S linked to their attitude towards the

SOULLNT THEN FEAT INTO 19T.

MORNING

STAR-DUST

«The strike has achieved an Toy and No fight important step towards its objective by the Confederation of Shipbuilding till we Engineering Unions' set up working agreement to parties including toolroom Say so' representatives to work out management how with the problems their could be solved. work call: "As we indicated in our "Yesterday's talks produced the editorial on Saturday, under best possibility that has emerged so work". circumstances the con- these tar of securing a return to And after the strike committee tinuation of the strike can recommended rejection: lead to further divisive- only "Such a hard line is against all ness between one section of as it was thought that expectation, workers and another at British meetino the AUDW executive mem- Leyland." bers-one of the strikers' demands- would and dance (Morning Star, Wednesday 16 for a open the way return March). work". So Morning Star, said the (Morning Star, March 11) morning after Scanlon had backed the Leyland management threat to

HOWLED

sack the toolroom workers if they did not end their strike.

When Scanlon was howled down at the Birmingham meeting it was a for all bureau- major weakening cracy, forcing the Communist Party to come out with an open call for a to work March 12.

TCLUINI

the Communist paper had workers. the toolroom The only "aggravate and

NATHA

Early of the strike On "Opinion is the on merits the some 01 They collective toolroom wages manual bargaining Ken Gill The opinions quote are Ken Gill, the Stalinist General Secretary of TASS, and therefore the Communist Party

SOMEONE

number, was soanes considers to carry some weight, the strike divisive. attacked ition workers. In to summing up the strike March 18 the Morning Star tried to repair some of the damage done to

BLMC

meeting the AUEW executive, saying they Combine one week «acted commendable had with opposed all earlier, as haste to accept the olive branch of the strikers" Then after all their attacks the paper has the hypocrisy to describe the strike in this way: On February 28 the Star quotes the strike leaders as saying that

SYMPATHY

their action is not against the Social Contract and bolster this "The "the strike has major signific- describes as being about 1t Social Contract". that it aroused a ground- effects of the ance swell of sympathy with the strikers issue carries their report of the CP-run Liaison Com- and total opposition to the Govern- mittee for Defence of Trade ment's pay policy which caused the strike" Unions conterence two davs earlier In looking at the Morning Star's This conference, which refused the Com- therefore coverage-and

HOHH H

of the toolroom workers to be put, munist Party's approach-it is clear aspect of the strike heard Derek Robinson declare that that the ont differentials could only be granted they supported was move there had already been a towards corporate bargaining.

The CP return to free collective bargaining.

supports the Confeder- "I don't accept that all we need ation of Shipbuilding and Engineer- Unions' to do is to bash the trade union ing plans corporate

TOT

bargaining. In addition the Confed's leadership. The first clear public statement own position was not just against Morning workers but of the the too room all strikes. their Industrial Cor- came from Ken Graves, on March respondent, 2 where he discussed the effects of

DIVISIVE

separate negotiating rights.

The Communist Party, in des- "Such a 'solution' would inevit- cribing the Confed meeting as an ably fragment the bargaining forward, ition of Leyland manual workers...

important step then the key supports this position of opposing Current'v it diverts trom disastrous all strikes in Leyland or against change that lignt to Phase economic policy by initially forcing as belig diversion from persuading the TUC a return to free collective bargain- ing. to persuade the government to end After the rigged wage control. meeting the

AUEW

which In short the role of the Com- executive, munist Party today is to defend the toolmakers were in a minority, the Star commented on the return to trade union bureaucracy. the toolmakers among the hard boiled editors of Fleet Street.

Leyland, and large parts of British when he travelled for his public humiliation. True the toolmakers were told to go back to But what they did not get at the Fleet Street was the kind of treat- ment that is usually workers who bring major industrial Instead a kind of grudging respect.

Daily Telegraph which felt obliged biame for the strike at the door of the Liaison Committee the toolmakers had not denied that the Stalinists were involved then no doubt the Communist Party would trained smear writers? Why they running cosy Roy Fraser gardening? Roy Fraser were which the Press allocated to Fraser, commutler other 3,000 strikers. to bottom support on a ladder to The wages of the the wages of the managers and the middle managers must be allowed On March 5 the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) argued in their paper, Socialist Worker, that the toolroom strike was about three things. Against the renewal of the 3. For the right to negotiate now concerned Phase only ignore the feeling on wages which behind the strike-a feeling so strong and sharp that it resulted in une greatesi nummaton any trade All this merely for something On the contrary, that anger and

SPECIAL CASE

OF HYPOCRISY

which described the toolmakers as team whose pride in their work has dealt a crippling blow to the Social more like a bunch theme hot to see downfall of the British ordinary British crafts- is that the trade which for 30 years made them the kings of the indus- little more than an 18-year old on the Leyland assembly lines.

on their front page under the head- line 'The Outlaw unions turned on Roy his striking toolmakers yesterday.

do not go back to work on Monday editorial headed "Why we still sup- the skills and talents Britai needs "The toolmakers are not asking for the earth. They are asking that accepted as routine in successful car

LOTS

Britain's economic ills" toolmakers and production workers are a myth. For years toolmakers some plants they workers and 1n earned about 50% of the produc-

SWP-BLOWING IN THE WIND

the support the toolroom workers.

received could have led to à wide- spread strike against the Social Contract now. In the same issue as the

SWP

give support to the toolroom workers they carry a truly amazing uncritical account of the confer- of the Stalinist-dominated Liaison Committee for the Defence of Trade Unions-a body which on the last occasion it met physically bounced the SWP (then still called the International Socialists) out of the meeting! Now the LCDTU is "the most important unofficial rank and file conference for years". Their comment on the Stalinist Derek AUEW convener Robinson, at Longbridge, was that he was "facing several ways at once. He In the end the demand was No talk about differ- about wages. entials could hide this. The toolmakers saw their main chance to get more money was to claim parity with the highest rates Leyland Cars for other took makers. The difference this could have made to some wages is more within than ty a week. the main car twice that if the wages of the top In contrast to this the Tory Press to push the line that logic that militates against struggles on the basis of the best that can be idea of natural justice under which editors and managers would benefit and the working class-toolmakers and all-would be left scrabbling for The reporting of the strike be seen as an attempt to take some of the heat out of it. If the tool- "wreckers' it would have been that break the Social Contract. The class lines of the struggle would be laid the party of differentials and there- fore the party they should vote for.

the limes of Wednesday March 16, the Conser- James Prior MP, wrote: ists stressed at their conference the trade unionists" as if that reflected a real base within the working class on which to build reveals the true nature of the special case treat- turned on is head to become a reflection of the feelings of the class of managers which constantly supports wage controls, but which itself becomes accidently caught up special case of criticising Jones and was agaist Scanion. But he was also leading the the campaign to destroy policies that they had forced on the movement". This is an incredible statement consider that Robinson when you and the Communist Party argued in the Morning Star that the toolroom strike was divisive. The SWP's comment on the so- called divisiveness of the strike is correct. They point out that it is a spearhead for other struggles. How- ever their memories are very short The tuners' dispute in Leyland which challenged the similarly policy in 1975 government's pay was described in Socialist Worker at the time as being-divisive!

The IS/SWP are blown as ever by the winds of the moment.

Toolmen force Tory power bid

WSL NATIONAL COMMITTEE STATEMENT ISSUED MARCH 23 1977

Page 8 The decision of the Tories to put down a motion of no of Hugh confidence in the govern- where he, ment comes after a period of nearly six months in which they have declined to make such a move. It therefore has to be seen as a Executive caiculated decision taken on the basis of the events that surround There the toolmakers' dispute. That is, it has to be rooted in the develop- it is ments in the class struggle.

this was The major factor the determination of the tool- the a determination 100H workers which brought out all the strength the whole the working class and its Docial contract. willingness to defend its wages. This determination reached Leyland toolroom workers must be having second tigate thoughts about their decision manual to return to work last week.

The talks set up between the

AUEW,

the toolmen and Company complete The toolroom are still being denied the separate

YOLE

negotiations they demand.

But Roy Fraser, the Toolroom Fraser Committee Chairman has been

STALINIST

SHOWS HIS

COLOURS

BRITAIN

WHEN A MOVE TO condemn 6 issues.. Scanlon and the rest of the AUEW 12 issues executive for their attacks on the 24 issues toolmakers was the Birmingham Shop Stewards Quarterly it brought a

I POLISC.

In fact just one voice and one vote was raised against the resol- Oaks. George ution moved by That opposition-arguing that the toolmakers were putting jobs at risk and dividing the working Jim Cotton. Irom Jim Cotton is the Chairman of Birmingham City Communist highest point with the humiliation Scanlon at the working class in action, so mass have chosen as one of the two main going for conditions props of the Social Contract, was swept aside by this relatively small change. section of workers. Arising out of this, the desper.

ation of Scanlon and the AUEW Council in backing up Company's use the trade workers brought such police only

IIOL

response in the working class that Phase and clear that within days there ability to do would have been a national strike which could have brought down their removal. Labour This The point government. movement showed the hostillty of government is working class to the the way out. The Tories realised that there opposition by any 'left" MPs danger of the Labour

TOOLMAKERS SELLOUT LIKELY

offered one of six places on a take Leyland corporate Leyland working party to inves- structure Fraser could find himself aligned whole of with Scanlon and the rest of the workers" wages through- out the Company. bureaucracy, He was later quoted as saying Although that he did not foresee that the the full Toolroom Committee, Saturday's meeting meet- predicted for ing on Saturday would be asked strike immediate action at this stage. fight on-a postion that would be The working party to which could a complete sell out by the leader- invited ship.

SOCIALIST

PRESS *

PAPER OF THE WORKERS SOCIALIST LEAGUE

EUROPE

£1 6 issues. $2 12 issues 24 issues.

REST OF THE WORLD

6 issues. 12 isues 24 issues ...£6.00 I would like to take out a subscription to Socialist .. issues, I' enclose £ .....

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NAME....

ADDRESS

pose alternative policies. In fact, government being removed by a 'lefts' they have the lesser evil challenged 01 fer Partia under leadership. Parliamentary It is in this light that the WSL calls on the 'left' MPs to prepare The usefulness of the Labour for a General Election with alter- the Tories was native policies by declaring that obviously based on their ability to they will vote against the govern- union leaders to Wednesday unless the ment on Phase Il but a Callaghan-Healey their now resigns and is replaced by those in question, fighting for an alternative socialist the Tories have decided to go for programme against the Contract-pay controls, cuts and is that even if the unemployment. not removed on Wednesday it is nevertheless still We support the demand that But they the Labour Party

NEC

going out with no parliamentary emergency recall Labour Conference to adopt a workers a step bargaining and groups of workerderin into line.

other outcome cannot be it ooks extremely likely that the member- ship are not going to be asked to :..$2.30 ..£4.60 .:.21.50 •.£3.00 SOCIALIST PRESS, Friday 25 March, 1977 Fraser with toolroom workers after the Birmingham meeting.

and break from the collaborationist Social time Callaghan-Healey Contract. In the event of an election we will call for a vote for Labour, at that demanding the same time campaign alternative programme to that of Callaghan and Healey and we will demand through the Trade Unions and the Labour Party wards that Labour candidates commit leadership themselves to this alternative programme. it was the wages struggle that Social created this governmental crisis must take this into the Wu A election period and not allow this fact to become submerged under all the talk of saving the Labour calls an government at all costs. Party 20.3.77. socialist

WORKERS SOCIALIST LEAGUE

PUBLIC MEETING

SHEFFIELD

'Down with the Coalition!"

Sunday 3 April at 7.30 pm Prince of Wales, Division Street Wage Control and Union Democracy Conference

ORGANISED BY

THE CAMPAIGN FOR DEMOCRACY IN THE

LABOUR MOVEMENT

March 27th Digbeth Hall, Birmingham.