Socialist Press no. 11

AFTER NUR BLOW TO WILSON'S PAY PLAN:

HEALEY TO USE

"TORY POLICIES"

The settlement of the railwaymen's pay claim, on the basis of a 30% increase, is a heavy blow to the pay policy of the Labour Government. The requirement of the capitalist crisis was that Wilson stood and fought.

Their retreat reflects the growing strength of the working class and will be a spur to all workers fighting to protect their living standards. Having failed in confrontation, the Wilson cabinet, which long ago gave up any pretence to a socialist approach to the crisis, now turns to the attack on another front- unemployment.

and the BSC. In an unprecedented statement last Saturday, Labour Chancellor Healey delivered an ultimatum to the working classes: either accept a new social contract in which wage increases are massive- ly below price increases thus slashing real wages, or face what he termed "Tory policies" on health and social services.

Healey gave the working class six weeks to accept his threat.

Wilson, speaking on Monday backed Healey up, saying that six weeks is too long. It is clear that a date has been set for a deflation- ary budget which would massively increase unemployment from a starting point of nearly one million. The Tory press screams hyster- ically to the Labour Government to proceed. The Sun last Saturday called for public spending to be cut until we all bleed", and went on to say "leave the roads unfin- Ished, leave the new council offices unbuilt. Yes, and the new schools and hospitals, too".

NEW SITUATION

The working class now faces an entirely new political situation. Wilson is well aware that workers will defend jobs. He knows that the class movement before which he retreated on the NUR claim con- tains the same threat as that behind the miners' strike which brought down the Heath government in February 1974. For the Labour Government to turn to the creation of mass un- employment is not an easy road.

The militancy shown on wages can in a moment turn into the widespread and determined defence italist terms. of jobs. This is shown in the deci- sion of the AUEW conference to support all action (including occu- pations) in opposition to redund-.

ancy.

SOCIALIST

PRESS *

The pressure building up in the working class can be seen in the steel industry, where workers have been in struggle after rejecting the phoney deal cooked up by Benn

INADEQUATE

As working class resistance builds up, the inadequacy of the old forms of struggle are exposed. The rail- men's settlement, whilst being a blow to the Labour Government, is a cut in real wages. A government economic adviser calculated recently that a 37% wage increase is necess- ary to maintain take home pay at can prevent unemployment.

a rate of inflation of 25%.

The claim contained no demand for a sliding scale of wages agree- hotting up as unfilled vacancies ment to keep pace with inflation dwindle and unemployment using an index worked out by climbs relentlessly towards the trade union committees. Such a million mark. For capitalism to clause is the only way to protect survive this crisis millions of workers against inflation under workers would have to accept these conditions. une cole By their avoidance of such a fight the trade union leaders are Jack Jones' support for the soc- ial contract and his proposal to limit wage increases by the use of To fight back calls for a new flat rate payments is central to leadership which will lead a real fight to defend both jobs and If Jones can swing the TGWU wages. Both monetary inflation conference next week behind à and "stabilisation" on capitalist new social contract, and take terms must be exposed as capit- this into the TUC conference shortly atter, the inevitable failure ultimately two ends of the same of such a policy, in the face of the stick. strength of the working class, will be used by Wilson to blame the nust go ahead for the sliding working class and establish the argument to torce his measures in ment must come the fight for Wilson needs this kind of cover. I work sharing on full pay, admin- His problem is simple. If he could not hold the railwaymen to 27%.

how is he going to hold the rest must be answered by committees of the working class to 10%? If he is to have any chance he needs up by the nationalisation, under trade union leaders who speak to 1 workers' management, and with- the working class in purely cap- out compensation, of those ind- ustries proved unable to pay.

Jones argues that workers should accept a tew percent less in orde serving bankrupt capitalism, and to save jobs. No doubt he wil all attempted social contracts argue the same next week- that must be thrown out by the it is only higher productivity An important new stage in the Portuguese Revolution was marked by the declara- tion of the 22nd June, after a week long meeting of the leadership of the ruling Armed Forces Movement. The statement made it quite clear that the AFM is continuin to play its role in the defence o Portuguese capitalism. All political organisation within military barr- acks is banned. Independent mili- tias of workers are forbidden.

The political position of the par- Denis Healey ties in the constituent assembly is guaranteed, although these and lower wage settlements that organisations are now rapidly los- ing the confidence of the working Workers can find no solution in class. these policies. A fight for jobs is Not that the military leaders are united on how to deal with this situation. Carvalho, head of the COPCON military security force, has been putting on a left fåce during the récent internal wrang- lings in the AFM, calling for an end to the constituent assembly, and for military rule linked directly to the AFM through workers councils and popular assemblies.

FIGHT BACK

What lies behind such proposals is the loss of control by the AFM and its Stalinist allies over the leadership of the working class.

As a recent despatch from Lisbon to the Financial Times put it: "On the factory floor the comm- unist dominated unions have long alist instruments of the crisis, and since been swept aside by militant workers councils-many of whom are now controlling plant man- agement and running the busi Against soaring prices, the figh ness." On 16th June demonstrators scale of wages. Against unemploy- marched to the Lisbon Palace calling for an end to the constit- uent assembly and for government istered by trade union committees "not by the rabble but by the Employers' pleas of "bankruptcy" workers" In this situation Carvalho's pol- to examine their accounts, backed icies represent a crude attempt to adapt the movement of the working class to Bonapartist methods of rule. He is looking for ways to prevent any indep- Workers have no interest in con- endent action by the workers councils which would inevitab bring them into conflict with the

AFM.

trade union and labour movement.

continued on back page col 5

FORTNIGHTLY PAPER OF THE

WORKERS SOCIALIST LEAGUE

NO 11 * 26th June 1975 * 10p

PORTUGAL

WORKERS COUNCILS

MUST BREAK FROM AFM

Many of these issues have come to a head over the occupation of the print works of Republica, whose editorial staff support the Socialist Party. What is involved here is clearly much more than the efforts of Stalinist-led workers to suppress the expression of other opinions in the workers put it movement. As the Time on June 20th, the Socialist Party "in the present struggle must be admitted to be on the right".

As the masses move rapidly beyond their traditional organisa- tions, not only do the Stalinists lead such movements in order to head them off, sections of the AFM try also to adapt to them.

Thus COPCON has supported demands for workers control over editorial policy at Republica in open defiance of the AFM's own press law passed last August which provided for journalistic approval of the election of editors but ex- cluded any control by production workers. They have also defied the ruling of the AFM's own supreme council that the law must be implemented in the Republica case. The real role of Carvalho and COPCON can be seen in the cont- inuing imprisonment of the MRPP Maoists in the Caxias prison near Lisbon, formerly used by the fascist torturers, and the breaking up of demonstrations demanding their release. Carvalho sees the MRPP as a threat not because of its criminally wrong social fasc ist' characterisation of the social democrats and the Moscow-line Stalinists, but because it repres ents the possibility of independent action on the left. The vital question of the hour is for the defence and expansion of the workers councils movement.

Above all, it must establish the independence of the working class from the capitalist state and the AFM. It must set up workers militias and arrange national meet- ings to set up a plan for socialist The building of a revolutionary leadership to fight for the Fourth International on the basis of the Transitional Programme will be an essential part of this process.

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WHAT IS THE WORKERS SOCIALIST LEAGUE?

SOCIALIST PRESS, Thursday June 26th 1975

CORRUPTION

KENYAR

major scandal now threatens the regime of Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya. The events surrounding the disappearance and murder of a populist mem- of parliament, Josiah ber Kariuki, have exposed the web of corruption and violence on which the quasi-dictatorship of Kenyatta rests Cariuki, although himselt member of the nouveau-riche, post Kenyan bourgeoisie independence and frequent visitor to the Nairobi nion, was well known as a spokes man for the interests of the masses in the 'Parliament' dominated by Kenyatta's one party rule.

At the beginning of March, after a series of lucky escapes from bomb explosions in places Known to be frequented by him, he was last seen alive leaving the Nairobi Hilton in the company of Mr Ben Gethi - commandant of the GSU, Kenyat- ta's para-military police organisation Reported missing on a 'business trip' he was only discovered dead when his wife, acting on a hunch, smuggled herself into

NATON

mortuary and identified his mutil- ated body. The storm broke Parliamentary select committe Kariuki investigating the murder issued a shock report at the begin- ning of this month accusing top uing to police officials, and by implication tnen ponucal bosses, o1 particip- the The 21107 i a major cover up. leaflets committee noted in its report the difficulties encountered 1n its in "largely due to the vestigations ship. refusal of the police heads to render any assistance even by disclosing out in the names of witnesses who might of value to the comm- have been ittee" . "the and concluded that knew police culprits wno ine actually are but unwilling to opeans proceed against them". rich

ECONOMIC CRISIS

The murder of Kariuki - not the first political murder of left wing critics of the Kenyatta regime ally - has to be seen in the context ot the developing world economic crisis and the total inability of the post colonial national bourgeoisie to secure economic growth, or an elimination of the vast inecualitie‹ basic industry of wealth and land ownership (most of the richest agricultural land in Ke- Europeans) in the context of a world capitalist economy dominated by the capital of western Europe, Japan and the

USA,

in throes of an ants. The Workers Socialist League was formed on December 22nd 1974 as part of the fight to carry forward the method and principles of Trotsky's Transitional Programme, the founding document of the Fourth Internat- ional. The WSL now represents the continuity of the struggle for these principles in the workers' movement. The formation of the League followed the expulsion of over 200 scally by the the leaders in order to preen discussion of the ora the WRP leadership in order to prevent discussion of their own abandonment of the Programme both in theory mass expulsions showed that there could be no hope of correcting the

WRP

independent organisation had to be founded to maintain - an fight for Trotskyism. Such a split came out of particular conditions. The rapid development of the economic crisis of capitalism and the forward movement of the world working class, which has now and Cambodia, began to produce the conditions to build revolutionary parties internationally. At such a point the importance of a fight for the method and principles of the Transitional Programme, against both sectarianism and opportunism is paramount in the preparation'of revolutionary leadership. After a hard period of isolation from the mass movement, as the only tendency with a programme and a history of struggle to lead the working class in the taking of power.

The defence of jobs through the fight for work sharing on full pay, run trade union committees; the defence of liking standards through the by fight for all wage agreements to include a sliding scale to compensate foI all increases in the cost the challenging of the "rights" committees; preparation the struggle for power through books • of industry, and to establish workers, control in the fight for

AND VIOLENCE

EXPOSED

In inflationary crisis.

FRELIMO

This is clearly shown in a recent ot Kenva by the assume full powers fairly conservative magazine Africa 25th, FRELIMO/Portuguese comes to an end. intermediate goods which are essen- economy, and the deterioration in terms of trade are imposing a strain on the balance of payments socialism ...In addition the oil price increases indeed already have, selves. Since erves has dropped sharply. This will ambique) growth of the the rate economy and especially the indust- This in turn will slow the growth of Kenya's exports of manufactures domestic trad an adverse effect on rate of growth of the economy fell from 13% a year in 1973 to 4.5%

DICTATORSHIP

In this situation the inability of regimes like that of Kenyatta's to provide any defence against the capitalist world crisis while contin- their own pockets drives the masses into conflict with regime. Already underground are beginning to emerge To this Kenyatta can only react by tightening the grip of his dictator- He has already moved to sack • baname wno spokt support of the report into Kariuki's murder. 1o aale Inis in cludes the Minister of Works and the Assistant Minister of Labour.

In a society in which 220 Eur- own 800,000 hectares of This poses, to agncultural land. and all the main hotels and industries remain number of problems. in European hands with the active collusion of Kenyatta, while 70,000 landless Africans still live in camps set up during the Mau Mau rebellion (1956) the truth of Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution is graphic- prices illustrated. independence day Real independence for the Ken- yan masses can only be Mozambique has when the gains of colonial indepen- dence are carried through to include days worth the expropriation of the land and foreign debts of over f300m.

without compensa- tion and under the management of theworkers and peasants themselves.

omy on the This requires the smashing of the Kenyatta regime by a revolutionary at zambiques ides party uniting the workers and peas- preselll nationalisation under

HOT

centred on a break from and in practice. the struggles in this period - not only Our record shows that we • overthrown imperialism in Vietnam Trotskyism now emerges of living as determined by trade union prices of the employer and the the fight to open

AFRICA SURVEY

MOZAMBIOUE

Mozambique, the mainly via purchase the government will elecinc from Bassa dam and the employment, in on June brutal conditions of exploitation of when the present joint 96,000 migrant Mozambican labour- rule ers in the gold mines. The mere desire on the part of the FRELIMO leadership to 'abolist Immediately the historical ques- capitalism' in Mozambique tions of which road - cavitalism or itset do brute fact. Neither does it change country versus the permanent revolution will, and in any way the dependence on Rhodesia. FRELIMO posed them 1970

FRELIMO

is committed to sanctions against (Front for the Liberation of Moz- Smith by closmg his outlet to the adopted sea via the railway from the prog Samora Machel ramme of 'socialism in Mozambique: to the Mozambiqué port of Lour- the least, a enco Marques say However, to carry through these centuries of Portuguese sanctions would result in immediate colonial rule under which Mozam- loss of between £12m and £20m in bique was forced to sell raw mater.

income from Rhodesia. with this is the fact that a good ials to Portugal at low prices, and buy back the finished product at deal of the rolling stock Mozambique railway system is own- the economy will start out Smith, and furthermore the ed by Mozambique railway network itself already on the verge of bankruptcy.

enough foreign only links up inside Rhodesia.

curdays wore to impopte, send immediate sanctions would pose a disruption in railway imports, severe This within Mozambique itself.

therefore highlights the dependence What policy then do the advoc- of the existing Mozambique econ- ates of 'socialism in Mozambique have to solve these problems? They neighbouring white racist regimes of Rhodesia (Zimbab- are posed with very much the same we) and South Africa. South Africa questions that faced the 60% of all Union ir exchange foreign the form of the myth of 'socialism all these policies are now workers management: called for in this situation. As they are fought for and workers are mobilised to win these demands, they begin to form a bridge between the present level of political consciousness of workers and the need for the working elass to take the puwer. Yet the WRP refused to take up a fight for this this reason the most important developments in our work have WRP sectarianism and propagandism, important gains in trade union work and opening up completely new areas.

We are beginning to recruit and train from the new forces thrown into but also professional workers, housewives, students and youth - in the fight to construct the continue to fight uncompromisingly policies of the IS group who refuse to defend the Soviet Union as a workers' state, and the IMG, ionary movement into unprincipled blocs and liaisons with anti-revolution- ary tendencies, as well as against Stalinism and reformism.

Already it is clear that throughout the world the movement of the working class poses similar questions for those groups calling themselves of the International Committee of the Fourth International, producing similar splits and offering a rich possibility programme. For this reason the WSL is now engaged in a process of inter nal discussion prior to a full founding conference, a vital part of which is to out and adopt perspectives for the building of the Trotskyist Fourth International, and the development of revolutionary parties based the Trotskyist programme in every country in the struggle to end Page 3

WHICH WAY

FORWARD?

in one country' or permanent rev- of hydro Cabora - linking the building Mozambique the to socialsın In active support for the revolutionary based the struggle and the unity of workers and peasants throughout Africa.

The other policy - will of "socialism Mozambique in can to change this the accommodation to South Africa and Rhodesia and the bourgeois black African states amar economie which will reproduce and maintair the basically colonial underdevelop- The ed economy • of Mozambique. Rhodesia signs are that this accommodation is well advanced. In a candid inter- view given by Samora Machel, the president of FRELIMO, to Afric magazine recently he was noticeabl!

equivocal on what has hitherto beer a major plank of FRELIMO policy ot the export 'slave labour' to South Africa. Wher.

asked bluntly whether contract lab- our to South Africa would continue after June 25th he replied: "South Africa 150,000 receives workers per year. The Portuguese did not create the structures for those people to work in Mozam- Therefore FRELIMO must bique. before anything else create struct- We are not people. ures ior those hysterical revolutionaries, the ten year war tempered us We will discuss with our people and ask: if we cut the contract what are you going to do?" It is clear from this what sori of leadership can expect from we FRELIMO. Machel is similarly am biguous on the question of attitudes to the rest of black Africa: "Our policy clear. First all 1S African countries and members of the

OAU

our allies. Secondly in Africa the Freedom movements are also our allies" But as we have seen in the case of Zimbabwe it is precisely the

OAU

which has effectively sabot- aged the liberation struggle through "armed struggle only Ils poncy FRELIMO does not this challenge strategy. participated in the original deal to Coupled get to release Sithole and smile return for a guerrilla others in on the cease fire! But it is only through • active support now for the armed struggle Zimbabwe that the workers and in peasants of Mozambique will gain access to the industrial and mineral links wealth of Rhodesia to help develop their own economy. Only as a part of such a strategy will sanctions Smith through a against closure of the Rhodesia-Mozambique rail way, lead to victory Soviet opposed the economic ruin of Mozamb.

degeneration in ique.

SOCIALIST PRESS

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PERMANENT REVOL

Page 4 Trotsky society began to feel a need for the is surprise that our of the West, knowledge of revolutionary political institutions the autocracy proved to be armed in economically backward the process with all the material might of the developed countries was first Marxists, Russia, European states. It rested upon a Russian for machine of the first successful soc- centralised bureaucratic

SCCLC

which was quite useless for estab- ialist revolution was just such a lishing new relations but was able country. successful develop great The overthrow oti Calcan out systematic repress capitalism is an international task carrying which demands the building of ions.' Hampered in their attempts to sections tne rourln BIECIdI This develop industry capitalist ional throughout the world.

cannot be done unless serious basis, politically subordinated the autocratic government of the given to the deJOn struggles of workers and Csar and financially burdened with peasants underdeveloped the cost of supporting the bureau- many Tne countries of the world. and the the cracy army, first capitalist class came more and more The lessons the take on into conflict with the old order, socialist revolution thus added richness this epoch conflict which was eventually an 1n rise to enormous revolution- of wars and revolutions. In Russia at thu of the ary developments. 14% of the century Duduid' lived in the towns and the tion

STAGES

urban working class comprised only a part of this urban popula- tion. The largest class in the Russian Empire was the peasantry The central question facing which had emerged from feudalism Russian Marxists at the turn of the only some forty years previously.

was this: if century the conflict Yet he neasantrv was iar irom between the capitalists and the being a homogeneous class.

Most autocracy is leading Russia towards did not own the land they worked bourgeois revolution, that is one whilst a minority, the kulaks, not the capitalist will the land but even owicu what will be the come to power, agricultural labour employed the working class and TOLe work it. peasantry in this revolution?

The Menshevik wing of Russian Marxism stuck rigidly to a schema

CSARISM

whereby society seemed to proceed through a series of fixed stages of development. Russia,

TOT

cnem, The capitalist class was, was just emerging from wnlcn "very Trotsky's small in teudalism, would have a long way

WOTGS

number, isolated from the 'people' go under capitalism after the half-foreign, without historic trad- bourgeois revolution before itions and inspired only by a greed socialism could be achieved.

" Power, however, did not for gain. First, they argued, the working rest in the hands of the capitalist class would have to support the class, but with the autocratic bourgeoisie in their bid for power.

government of the Csar. Then a lengthy period of capitalist constant pressure from development would follow during under the West for several centuries, the which Marxists would have to fight Russian ruling aristocracy had been to defend the interests of the forced to build up state institutions working class. Only when of its own which creamed off a capitalism began to decline could large part of the surplus product the fight for socialist revolution way which hampered the be conencteo growth of the very classes that immediate need, said the Menshev- that The provided iks, was for parliamentary SUFOlVS bureaucratic/military enormous democraky, similar to those in the machine that was created soon Westihe revolutionary began to develop interests of its of wing agreed tatis the own. the Bolsheviks "At the As Trotsky observed, agreed that approaching moment when developing bourgeois revolution would be bourgeois in character. Lenin realised, however, that if the capitalist class could be liberated from the rule of the Csar, then the power of the landowners could be ended and a revolutionary of redistribution the land among the millions of poor peasants could take place. Since the bourgeoisie were in league with the landowners, Lenin argued that this made possible and alliance workers necessary an and peasants against the exploiting capitalists and It was landowners. this alliance that Lenin called for the slogan "The Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry'. Such alliance as this had an existed before and the new never form of political collaboration that Lenin proposed in oracl lo solve of democratic

LASK

Tn e revolution raised important questions. Would the peasantry be able to form their party OWil capable of solving the agrarian question? Which class, the workers or the would form the peasants, the majority revolutionary government?

LENIN

As a result of the experiences 1905 Lenin of the revolution, began to formulate more definite He became and not play the the in coming and would the working task to class, the only truly propertyless the only and Cass. revolutionary Russia capable and carrying the democratic TeVOU ON demo cratic revolution in The democratic dictatorship By of the 1905 had already revolution, with the Mensh- parted company eviks whom 1902 Bolshevik- the time Menshevik split. On the question of the STOOd closer Mensheviks. that Russia have to pass that other, opment

3NO IO

through. economy going character: on the on ongst the TOCelI working clas. was small in ation However, industry and because the were forced methods their class to all masses who have or the bourgeois revolutions fought for their own independent interests that they were forced to pull bacl from the offensive before they had Thus 1905 the galnea victory. revolution failed, since the working class and peasantry had not ye of established a leadership capable cementing the alliance and leading them to victory after their betrayal by the bourgeoisie. Trotsky, in analysing 1905 realised that the capitalist class were incapable of conducting a serious struggle for power. The solution of the democratic tasks and the agrar- ian problem could therefore come about only through the dictatorship of the proletariat, supported by the peasan try. The peasantry, who had as their own class interest the redistribution of the land, were unable for a num ber of reasons to form a party that tight carry COlO Successr this out. They were therefore for ced to side either T.n e (nOUT working class. Since geoisie or the the bourgeoisie were themselves incapable of ending the power of only way the autocracy, peasants could achieve their aim of taking the land was by supporting the proletariat. This meant that the proletariat could achieve power earlier than in the advanced canitalist countres for it was obvious that if the working class carried through the democratic supported revolution, bf the proletaria. the peasantry, the dictatorship could be estab- lished, and the building of socialism would be posed turn raised another important question. Marxists never believed socialism could be that established in a single country, not basis of an advanced even on une baciward onen So if as e result oa never mind a backward one. tie acmocian revoluton, cae ple found itself in power, letariat would have to work towards ending its isolation as quickly as possible.

This would mean extending the revolution to other capitalist coun- tries and in particular to the highly industrialised capitalist countries of Western Europe. Trotsky expressed essential points of his theory the of Permanent Revolution in this way The dictatorship of the prolet- ariat which has risen to power as of the democratic the encer revolution is inevitably and very with tasks, quickly confronted the fulfillment of which is boun with deep inroads into the rights of bourgeois property. The democratic revolution grows directly into the socialist over revolution, and thereby becomes a permanent revolution. of power by The conquest the proletariat does not complete but only opens the revolution, it. Socialist construction is con ceivable only on the foundation of the class struggle on a national international scale. This and the conditions struggle, under of an overwhelming predomin of capitalist relationships ance on the world arena must inevit- SOCIALIST PRESS, Thursday June 26th 1975 ably lead to explosions. Therein lies th e permanent char acter of the socialist revolution as such, regardless of whether it backward country Is a that i involved .... or an old capitalist country which has already beh- ind it a long epoch of democracy and parliamentarianism In 1917, as 1905, the were forced to resort bourgeoisie once more to revolutionary meth to further their class

OECCI

interests. In February of that year a popular uprising led to the over throw the Csar and the setting up of on the one hand, a provisiona government and on the other of Soviets. The Mensheviks, of course. the establishment of regarded parliamentary democracy based on the class rule of the capitalists as "next stage" the historical in ine process.

MENSHEVIKS

But the fact that the bourgeoisie were so insignificant that, Hayilly could overthrowi the (sar thev not establish a properly functioning parliamentary democracy, meant that the Mensheviks driven by the logic of their ideas, were forced to substitute themselves for the bour geoisie in order that their "laws' of history were not broken At the same time, therefore, that the working class were estab. lishing Soviets as a rival basis Oi to the Provisional Govern- power ment, the Mensheviks were agreeing to become ministers in that govern.

Sailors mutiny on the battleship Potemkin ir menT As the working class moved to the left, the capitalists in the gov.

and grew more more Crinncll . unpopular and eventually made way for the Mensheviks to fill all the Ministerial posts. Thus the Mensł eviks found themselves ruling o: behalf of the capitalist class As far as the Bolshevik Party was concerned, the February Rev- olution revealed the limitations of Lenin's slogan and the strengths of Trotsky's theory of Permanent With Revolution. the Csar over thrown, the majority of the Bolsh- evik leadership interpreted Lenin's slogan for the : democratic dictator- ship of the proletariat and peasantry to mean support for the provisional government. Lenin, on his return from exile, launched what began as a one man thie concepti on, campaign againsi eventually winning the majority the Bolshevik leadership to his point of view. The provisional government of the Mensheviks and their allies was the highest noint that could he

SOCIALIST PRESS, Thursday June 26th 1975

UTION

reached under the democratic dict- 'atorship, argued Lenin. That slogan was therefore of no further use.

must be consigned, , along with any- who supported it, the to Unle museum of 'Old Bolshevism'.

The revolution was only partial- ly complete, however, and only the dictatorship of the proletariat could The slogans, said Lenin, complete it. "All now be Power to the

MUST

Soviets!" "Down With and Provisional Government!" Trotsky froin too, exile, saw that it would be a betrayal of the working class to support the provisional government, while the workers, peasants and soldiers were Soviets which inemselves lorming constituted a dual power alongside that of the provisional government.

In sụch situation, the could democratic be defended and extended through the establishment of the dictator ship of the proletariat supported by the peasantry. This would then pose the question of socialism.

For Trotsky then, 1917 was the year when his theory of Permanent Revolution was confirmed in pract- ice. Having long ago abandoned his mistaken attempts to unite the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks, he joined the Bolsheviks shortly before took power in October 1917 they and his theory of Permanent Revol- ution incorporated the was theory and programme of Bolshev- 1sm. The following years proved the second part of Trotsky's theory correct as well. The dictatorship of the proletariat had indeed posed tasks going bevone those democratic revolution as the Comm- Party set about destroying 905 of the capitalists by the power nationalising industry and the banks the law of

HUST

the development had permitted working class in backward Russia to come to power before the work- of advanced capitalist countries like Britain, so now that law ceased apply and linked threads that the Russian economy to world capitalism began to assert themselves. Politically and economically isolated from the rest of the world, Russia could only progress to social- with the timely assistance 1sm working class of advanced capitalism. of the Bolshevik leaders None in the period after the revolution thought that Russia could build itself. socialism by However, the defeats of the German Revolutions of 1919, 1921 and 1923,

WALA NE

deatin of Lenin in early 1924, led to a feeling inside sections of the Communist Party leadership that aid from the proletariat was now postponed to the indefinite future.

What the working class had to do now, some said, was to build socialism Russia 'independent' in of the Iest of the world. It was Stalin who developed this idea into his 'theory' of 'Socialism in one country. This theory was in complete opposition to the theory of Perm- anent Revolution which the Bol- sheviks 1917. had accepted in Trotsky, as the author of the theory those who supported Stalin.

Party and out of eventualy Nevertheless, he continued to consequences for the wrong orientation of the Chin- CP resulting in the decimation at the hands of As its revolutionary roots show, peasants involved in struggle Since Stalin's death, the Parties of the world to advance the comanued. deaths of Communists the "third which receives contin- support from the Moscow

DEMANDS

today fights on with last word ined of the prolet- endence transitional demands problems Line historical the by 'democratic dictatorship formula 'workers and a compl etely atic, alliance with is simply The Fourth the "third world' own representing the peasantry land. of these only be can oul by iat: from slogans to transitional developing ure of power. to Only in this economic way against.

REVIEW

The Battle for Unions (A review of W. H. Fraser Trade to tight a bitter battle for its Unions and Society. The Struggle Acceptance 1850-1880, for pub- lished by Allen and Unwin away the inde

SOLOS

at £5.95) crattsmen. By John Docherty In the period covered by to this book of the But many institutions and attitudes of in the modern working class to get every movement were born. With sign a renouncing British capitalism at the peak It of its strength and prosperity, was the trade unions were trans- formed from localised tiny that different of workers bodies of conservative crafts- necessary men into powerful organisa- tions wielding considerable a particu social and political power. larly campaign in Their leaders ceased to be the portrayed the rages' in capitalist press as "payed agitators, but Sheffield. instead as upholders of all the respectable and individua- lobbies

TUC

list values of bourgeois society, if their members "greedy" or still times at in the of press 'unreasonable'. aure Fraser's book is not a con- tinuous history of the trade union of a century ago, but to exist It the growing sather series of suap snots many important aspects of its deve- the early 1n For anybody with some 70s. knowledge of the main events of historv of trade unionism in their first this period, his book provides an time. analysis of many important aspects imprisoned they plunged of the formation of the working 'class movement. This review will of consider some of them. trade 1874, Struggle Parliamentary candidates who would not their to legal One point which should be Party becoming a made clear at the outset is that however prosperous secure was concede British capitalists were a century they ago, never made any con- cessions to trade unions willingly or without a struggle. If employers Much recognised or bargained with the process, unions, it was only because they to continue were compelled to do so in their unionism, Fraser's most elementary interssts account. there is much The period covered by this to be leamt book is between the collapse of about the the the great wave the Chartist forms OI of trade agitation 1840s and the in the unionism. revival of the socialist movement 1880s. Although Fraser of the 'apathy' much of • makes trade union members on • 111ally general political questions, he says little nothing about the atism of early CO- tinuing echoes of the Chartist cam- "The desire of in of the paigns the generations of outsiders 50s and 60s, nor of the involvement the is of many trade unionists, not just the well-known leaders, in the Inter- of development most trade national Working Men's Associations unions". early unions, (the First International) from 1864.

were witl Without the maintenance of this resisting through the tradition, there wouls have been enforcement apprenticeship basis for the development of new forms of working class action 1880s, the and of the battles 'of the century ANCe of the 1890s that led to the foun- dation of the Labour Party.

The "struggle for acceptance From the beginning unions was an important one and in many standard rates ways formed the bones and sinews of the modern working class move- ment. However, as capitalist society developed, such 'acceptance' could never be stable or continuous, nor could it represent in any way a trade final resolution of the struggle bet- for the ween capital and labour. The period after 1850 saw a Important events tor the working class movement.

The ment had be defended. The of Amalgamated Society of Engineers, unions set up in 1850, was later seen as a model union by of of its centralised An chapter its consultution, moderate industrial policies, and its alleged pre-occupation with friendly benefits. In fact, within of its foundation unions do nothing it had Page 5 improve wages and conditions. He sympathiser quote. ine movement to the effect that the were 'mere partisans economists of the on a level strongest side, special with paid agitators or pleaders, while assuming the function of imperial judges. Such statements are an indication not jost of the fact that there is not much new under the sun, but also that, however much trade union absorption into •crave Iol the machinery of capitalism their members always in the end come into conflict with it. At the centre of the developing trade union movement of a century was the desire of its leaders ago to be accepted as a legitimate and normal part of the functioning o The mass political and capitalism. social agitations of the 1830's and 40's provided general the system, but they challenge to defeated and pushed had been back. The British employers had the most advanced technology, the greatest self-confidence and the largest empire the world had ever seen. They were easily in a position not only to impose their standards at least for a time on the employers of other nations and the colonial on their own peoples, but also working class. Bureaucracy capitalist class with such wealth and could easily power afford to buy off those sections of the working class organised in trade unions. Now that methods of mass production were accepted, sections of industries workers many could easily be incorporated into the employers' system. The skilled printworker, the engineer who had served his time, the bricklayer who had painfully acquired scarce skills, these sections and many others accepted the ideology of the "self-help' and employers about With maependence the help of could higher earnings they maintain a certain distance from the mass of the unskilled and unorganised workers The centralised trade organisations led to retalia- union tion by the employers of the kind seen in engineering in 1851 and in building in 1859-60. After trade unions were estab- lished the employers began to use the reformist trade union leaders contain the organised strength which was emerging. These leaders could also be used by such middle class political leaders as John Bright in their war against the landed aris- still dominated the political institutions of capitalist Britain. In this way was cemented between the Liberal alliance Party and the mainstream union leaders which lasted for two generations. This period of the 'acceptance' of trade unionism thus did mush to establish the role of the move ment and its leadership. Yet the which then estab- position was shed was verv much a retectiot of the dominant strength of British developed capitalism. 'Aluluae. then which persist to the present have now become a block to day the further service of the interests of the working labour ass The 'aristocracy of achiever much in building the first perm anent trade unions. The first caste of union generation of the bureaucrats were able to claim the credit for the legalisation of trade But unions. all traces of aristocratic spirit and bureancratic leadership will now have when swept away in epoch quite new chapters of the history the wotking class are about to be written.

Page 6 Published by abused in the growing crisis of capitalism. From the union and Labour leaders it is deliver a watertight alibi for their own refusal to defend Wolk. against the employers' offensive on 1t demand with a revolutionary cont- ent. LU publicly available, but often little' organisations and individuals prov- ides a key to background material which can, if correctly used, greatly for company books to be opened to ed towards assisting the 'libertarian' and anarchist currents which surr- of course for this reason misses out OI force companies to reveal business intention. access to information for exposees class questions involved in access to the account ledgers.

SECRETS

Indeed merely to dig around in the Hand- the sources discussed in book will not in itself open the books of industry. But by revealing previously unknown information on the company in question, by reveal- little connections, and known

ITALY

The massive gains made by the Communist Party (PCI) in the Italian regional elections represent powerful movements in the working class in the face of the economic crisis. It is not the threat of the CP itself whose reactionary reformist policies including remaining the

NATO,

threat to DUSe stability of Western capitalism but the movements of the working class which the gains elector that worries the ruling represent, casses of western europe and ine Due to the

USA.

massive left- ward working movements 1n Tne class the whole of Southern Europe from Portugal to Turkey politically unstable' from capita- lism's point of view.

LEFTWARD

The increased leftward move- ment of Italian workers reflected both in the increased CP vote and the massive anti-fascist demonstra- in May show TOnS working class is now looking for a new leadership in the face of the Recent mounting economic crisis.

figures the Italian economic over 1 million and the number of workers on short time 8 times over the 5 months. last

"INUESTIGATOR'S

COMMUNITY ACTION : 30p some of the complexity and con- accessories, credits. The factory cealment involved, such material would interfere in the Connices can show powerfully the necessity in cases indubi- matter and many of trade union struggle to demand the fact of a mali- lady estadusn the full picture, the unpublished cious dislocation of industry with material, the 'secrets' themselves.

the goal

DICOULC UN

Why the of open up secrets the workers, the capitalism? Because only when the government for subsidies..

.. In broadest possible layer of workers several cases the sabotage was so understands the necessity to end as a result of obvious that the the system can the necessary deter- exposures of the shop committees mination arise to carry through the the industrialists. found themselves compelled to re-open the factories, erty. thus laying bare one contradiction after another.' begins to (History of the Russian Revolution, prepare for this, Vol. 1, p. 385] eering, the

PROGRAMME

also Coul could have the dramatic effects. on scientific technological improvements. a revolutionary period, but wher For we turn for programme present epoch agitation in period of agi- wrote in his and organisa- serious then such Soviets, of measures and outs, organised Jal L ers. 'Publish profits of way the capitalism of the limitations a few weeks, of compelling them reveal threads, the power. shows this to nment are, of the factory, of the trust, of county of the Volume 1 p392] tasks of workers control should to explain the debits and be Workers had business undertakings; determine the factories, lists and by exploiters as whole; the behind-the- an absence

MASS VOTE

FOR CP

Berlinguer Fianists invided the basing of an Coupled with this the elections revealed the complete bankruptcy increased CP vote despite the total of the existing 'centre-left coalition' lack of leadership provided by the dominated by Christian Democrats (CD) which has ruled Italy for Shortly after the elections the the 30 years. Fanfani, the past clear that leader fought the elections on a strictly anti-communist 'Law and Order' campaign focussing. on the ideological differences, na rising crime rate and allegations of «DOYe 'left-wing violence'. Yet as thou "historic compromise" affirmed at sands of workers demonstrated the last party Conference. Accord- real danger the the increasing violence of the Fascists.

his in the context of the deepen between all economic crisis and the wave ing of revelations concerning attempted coups, and conspiracies to protect

HANDBOOK"

REVIEW by. John Lister members of human labour which the result the naked capitalist (p. 22) opening committees over within the factory duction. and the plant, profits. of the control track speed, As Trotsky this states cannot long continue its state, pation' the committee To strengthen its position and on the concerned, of deceit key role.

CHALLENGE

At same we be clear that to carry through the

TO T IOR SEC ACTOR

raises the question of what kind of leaaersmo is preparca I lus way le challenge, root and branch, the most relations. Only the most resolute and politically conscious layers will through such a fight, and this demands the building of Trotskyist revolutionary leadership.

While mobilising broader layers of workers. the struggle to open the books trains groups of workers and the left elements in the C.D.

the At the moment in the

C.DI

factions are trying desperately to see if, by removing Fanfani from the leadership anc "left image" putting on a more they cannot maintain then own bloc with the Socialists and so prevent a government involving the Stalinists emerging at the next general election.

PRESSURE

policy of the Stalinists The plays right into the hands of this by the bourgeois mamocume game! According Cassutta the

PCI

in the gains regional elections increased nave the possibility of a dialogue and pressuring the existing (capitalist) "a towards government structure more rational use of resources and the elimination of corruption Nothing of the sort! - thr CP елестота gains snow tne working socialist class now demands economic solution the CriSiS to Fascist violence and an end The front compromise popular Berlinguer policies Stalinist PCI will lead nowhere but to defeats. The need in Italy now for the building oI a which takes its starting point as a programme for independent working class solution to the crisis - workers defence squads to proteci the working class pickets in general against the community fascist violence, - lactor. tion and the struggle for workers control and nationalisation against short time and redundancies.

SOCIALIST PRESS, Thursday June 26th 1975 to understand the workings of their industry, and opens up the possi bility, after nationalisation, of that industry coming under workers' run by elected trade management, union committees, and dispensing with old managers installed the by the employers. Trotsky shows how factory committees must come together on regional and national "Thus workers' control becomes pare itself for direct managemen hour for that eventuality stikes."

very first leg of this central struggle to a certain extent self-confessed though the authors correctly stress information must be put to politica publicity they attract is short-lived, lobby to follow up your report."

of the word "lobby" indicates the Community Action Group. Tine Nevertheless the Handbook explains some basic techniques of research some necessary sorries or and and directs towards mation which should known be to workers It can therefore be recommen ded to trade unionists to be used fight in every plant for trade union committees to confront the and employers demand the disclosure of business secrets.

Des pite its flimsy cover, , the 30p price should ensure a wide sale in the Workers Diary

ALL CHANGE!

The latest that the news Treasury are considering issuing a £1 coin to replace the devalulng should version surprise

DAOC

nobody. the inevitable 'spokesman' As told reporters, people "don't take care of" &i notes any more, now worn une same a old ten-bob note when it was the abolished in 1969. Obviously this is hinting that today's workers, weighed down with excess cash in fat wallets, are lighting £1 cigarettes with notes, wrapping chips in them and of them to prop up using stacks colour television sets. better treated. We believe plans are Coins, think, would in hand for small trolleys to be hired to workers on payday to cart off their wages in coin form, and cranes and fork-lifts are being installed in banks to handle each day's takings

LETTERS

The Editorial Board wants to letters on any subject, which should be kept as brief as possible. Please send them to: WSL, 31, Dartmouth Park Hill, London NW5 1HR

SOCIALIST PRESS, Thursday June 26th 1975

MASS DEMO

CALLS FOR

Over 15,000 people dem- onstrated through London on Saturday June 21st against James White's Abortion (Amen- dment) Bill. The demonstrat- ion, which enormously dwarf- a 300-strong Festival of Light counter demonstration, marched from Victoria Emban- kment, ending in a mass rally at Hyde Park. But the speakers completely missed the class issues involved calling opposition for White's bill. Renee Short centred her speech around an attack men, and completely avoided the fact that this reactionary bill would affect the rights of working class women jamies - She and men. thus restricts the fight to only - saying that women Labour MPs would vote against the bill - adequate but at the same time refusing to question White's right as a Labour MP to make this anti-working class move or to amke demands on men Labour MPs.

DEFENSIVE

The speakers and organisers took a defensive stand on the whole issue.

They are not, in spite of the slogans, mobilising a fight to win 'Abortion on Demand' but are only campaig- ning to defeat this amendment.

working class. This ignores the fact that the present law is far from adequate - as Leo Abse (co-sponsor of White's from the bill) never stops pointing out, it did Monday not concede that abortion facilities obtain woman - it wore a ligat to every still depends on the area you live in family and the views of individual doctors whether you can obtain an abortion now - and the middle class who know capitalism. the system and can pull the right strings are heavily advantaged.

Obviously the bill must be de- feated but the campaign must not stop there. Al present there 1s a complete lack of struggle movement for this aspect of women's rights being wa- ged by the Labour and trade union leaders. Trade union banners were put at the end of the march, show- NAC fails to under- stand the need to fight in the unions for the defence and advancement of Ing class. the rights of women. There

EQUAL OPPORTUNITY

lation. The demand for Abortion on only Demand can only be taken up as efforts part of the struggle of the working class. class as whole defend to should rights and living standards against against all the attacks capitalism. Such struggle will come face to face with the bankruptcy of the existing trade union leadership, which has never The seriously lought ior the rights of women, for equal opportunity, and

CAR INDUSTRU

said that

COWLEY

for to be on Wednesday Workers

BLMC

at the Cowley Body Plant, like many other workers, accepted rises of 12% in the annual Wage Friday Review in February. committee who refused At the time one of the factors in securing acceptance, as well as called in. the threat to jobs, was the state- nent at a mass meeting of product on workers, by the T&GWU officia that if the • cost of living rose by than 10% from December would go back to management and demand more. Of course this increase in the cost of living has taken place and the WSL locally has been concen- trating on this statement in all the

ABORTION

ON DEMAND

A small part of the 15,000 strong demonstration maternity leave on full facilities Right the social contractor tor the they prepared release of the Shrewsbury Two, or against other attacks on workers' standards of living. The WSL leaflet on the march linked the questions of women's health dica rights and working class leadership: towards workers James White's reactionary bill is just one part of a series of attacks by the capitalist class and the Lab- our government on the health ser- vice and the living standards of the By introducing this in the health service. legislation White is firmly lined up with all those right wing elements 'Festival of Light' to the Club, whose attempts to and abortion on more rigorous censorsh ip and to intensify the oppression of life are of piece with is currently trying to increase the exploitation of the working class on behalf of

DISGRACE

inadequate It is a disgrace to the Labour that Iet Ior the real James White continues to represent it. Local Labour parties must take of domestic labour gery immediate steps to remove White and other MPs supporting his rep- ressive policies, and for their replace others who are prepared to maintain the rights of the work- facilities. be applied to the must be a campaign household tasks. Above all, women throughout the entire labour move- must no longer ment for the defeat of this legis- the first to be sacked, Decent health standards can to make do on a reduced income.....

the .......The struggle for the rights of the organised working working women poses the necessity essential that there to replace the present leaders of the be continual struggle working class hospital closures, prepared to maintain their interests.

for the maintenance of those stand- Workers ards of health care that the working fighting to build such a leadership class has a right to expect.

defence the health of capitalism and its replacement service has already begun in earnest.

by a planned socialist economy.

In the East End of London, where leaflets put into the plant. We have against this vindicated our fight Britain. a sliding scale of wages clause included in the review, and The 350 that this should now be fought for.

Coventry plastic components plant The T&GWU stewards decided have been on strike for two weeks 18th June to put in demanding payment for the period the claim. This was then taken to that they the works committee and all unions of the Stoke engine plant dispute.

agreed to go along with the claim.

This issue 20th June the works continuously arising in the motor met the • Halaceu industry because of the insecurity make any offer. of earnings. The union officails have now been nagement for the whole motor industry threaten

COVENTRY

LU making 20,000 the unless take their dispute to arbitration without preconditions. The Chrysler fore The Chrysler car company British production stopped, than are continuing their hard line concede this money. The Labour Government's plans to impose wage-cuts on the working class received two major blows last week. One was the concession of the railway men's wage claim, other was the decision of the Nat- ional Conference of the "any incomes policy hav- opposing ing as its aim wage through interference source' Hugh Scanlon, the union pres- ident, against the motion. spoke He said the union should support the contract as a avoiding the 'strengthened' version now being mooted "It will be a disaster if we are in any way committed to a social contract that envisages a deterior- ation rather than of living standards. If the having to avoid such a disastrous to go step with being cut and the contract then I am with that."

Poplar Hospital is threatened with This argument is entirely spur- closure, a committee of trade union- ious. The social contract was never ists has been set up to resist. Wor designed. to maintain living stand- kers Socialist League members have ards but to cut them. proposed that the committee should important question is whether this demand access to the books of the resolution will be fought for at the authority as a step TUC conference and in the fact- control of the ories or abandoned as a similar one service. Housewives, tenants groups was last year. and others must be involved in this struggle. The national conference of ASTMS has also voted in favour

RIGHT TO WORK

of joint committees of trade union- ists to defend and improve standards During the conference the latest increase in the figures was announced.

FREE

passed an emergency motion saying The right to free contraception that "every worker mental right to work" and instruct- demand must be part of any socialist health service.

ing the union Executive to "mobil- ise and support action taken by the the achievement of any such aims membership to enforce that right" being held back by the policies of the Labour government It this resolution is to be carried in attacking the living standards of out it means that "action" in the the working class in order to salvage the profits of capitalism in the face of world economic crisis. Even the standards public health are now under attack.

emancipation of working women from the drud- and the oppression of the bourgeois family much more is necessary. Communal Kitchens must be established. There must be full communal child care Modern technology must elimination of Short-time cheap labour, working compelled possible redundancies 1,200 motor cycle workers at the Birmingham Small Heath plant and 1,500 workers at movement by those the Wolverhampton plant of Norton Villiers Triumph. Socialist League This follows a history of crisis in the British motor cycle industry a necessary step in the abolition starting the collapse of the with Birmingham Small Arms group and the establishment of NVT in 1973 NVT lost f8m and Since then, continues to lose £2m annually.

Affairs have been brought to a head . by a drop of 60% American market for NVT 'super bike' exports. This is a reflection of the world wide capitalist slump their work force in where restoration of profitability demands massive speed-up, wage cuts and redundancies. workers at their

RIVAL

But this situation has been were laid off because complicated by the existence of a rival plant - the so-called 'workers of lay-off pay is cooperative' at Meriden. One of NVT's first decisions was to close the unprofitable motor cycle plant at Meriden, which resul- The reply of the Chrysler ma- ted in an 18 month battle to keep to this important issue the plant going by forming a co- operative sponsored with f5m from total shut down, the government. idle WOIKeIs The acceptance of this reformist 350 strikers agree to scheme had an enormous effect at • Meriden. The labour force was halv- led from 1,750 to 870, all demarc- company there- ation was ended, wages were estab- would rather. see their whole lished at a flat rate of £50 a week - lower than the average wage in the

AUEW TO FIGHT

SACKINGS

and the

AUEW

regulation from any . way of Scanlon - voted for social contract maintenance price of form of, for example, occupations the defence of jobs must be existing declared official.

RYDER

The most The role of the Ryder report in attacking the jobs and conditions of British Leyalnd workers emerged clearly 11 Bob comerence Wright, the so-called left, who re- cently lost the election for General Secretary to the right-winger John Boyd in a postal ballot, and who was closely involved in the invest- igation leading to the Ryder report, opposed a call for the nationalisa tion of Leyland. He argued: unemploy ment Delegates "To say at this time that nationalisation is the only answer has a funda- will to some extent set back our position in Leyland". Wright clearly wants to keej his hands free for further deals at the expense British Leyland workers. However, the motion was carried despite his opposition

MERIDEN CO-OP

THREATENS JOBS

In other and words the profitable restoration of Triumph at Meriden face was entirely at the workers expeuse.

In the first four months of its existence Triumph Meriden doubled its productivity and now has reduced its labour force to

SPEED UP

To restore profitability has meant that the workers co-op has been forced to replace workers by machinery, introduce speed-up, and on the enforce a massive cut in its wage bill. NVT is contracted to sell the Meriden output for its first two years and considerable resentment is felt by workers in the Birmingham and Wolverhampton plants where the co-op is seen as a direct threat to their jobs. In this context, where Deanis Poore, himself, the chairman of NVT 'is demanding that the government nationalise, a programme capable of defending all jobs. including the 350 at Meriden, has to be fought for. On this basis the books of the company should be opened and the demand for the nationalis ation under workers management of the entire motor cycle industry without compensation, Should be advanced. The demand has to be fought for in relation to the devel- a planned economy opment under workers management. As part of this workers should demand state Ilnance and state contracts to maintain production.

TEG MUST REJECT CONTRACT

Page 8 Jack Jones

THE FACTS

The removal of Benn from the post of Secretary for Ind- ustry by Wilson has been fol- lowed rapidly by talk of amendments to the Industry Bill which Benn had been steering through the Commons.

Even before his removal Benn had hinted at the possibility of a second White Paper being pub- lished to 'clarify ' the bill's prov- isions, and over the last week.

despite evasive talk by Varley, Benn's replacement, it seems clear that Wilson is determined to amend the Industry Bill into two areas: Firstly to reduce or abolish the bill's power to compel informa- tion from firms even it they are involved in "planning àgreements" with the National Enterprise Board which the bill sets up.

Secondly to curtail the power of the NEB to invest in industry without the consent of the com- panies concerned in that industry.

PROTECTION

It would be utterly wrong to see these amendments as an abandonment by Wilson of any "socialist" policies. The provisions for the disclosur‹ of information in the original bill were well padded with prot- ection for business secrets such that trade union representatives on the NEB could face up to two years' imprisonment for revealing such information. [See Socialist Press No.1] The object oi these provisions was simply an attempt to draw trade unionists into the process of Industry's rationalisation and reorganisation which necessarily meant an increase in speed-up and unemployment. This is shown in the second point now proposed for amend- ment - the powers of the NEB to provide financial assistance and to nationalise industries or sectors of industry. The aim was clearly to use state finance as a tool for the further reorganisa- tion of industry and the restora- tion of profitability at the ex- pense of the working class.

This emerged in the one example of NEB intervention - the Ryder report. Ryder gave massive hand- outs of cash and made provisions for worker "participation" in management in return for massive increases in productivity.

and labour force reductions over a period of years. The content of Benn's Industry Bill has therefore always been speed-up and unemployment to Jack Jones, architect of the original social contract, will be fighting hard for his plans for wage control at the T & GWU Biennial Delegate Conference beginning on Monday. This will be the centre of the agenda of this policy-making body of Britain's largest union, and the GEC has tabled a resolution supporting the 'contract'.

TURNING POINT

The debate comes at a turning point in the struggle of the work- ing class following the blow to the Labour Government struck by the

NUR.

Jones, however, will seek the authority of the conference to push through his call for flat- rate increases across all industries.

'BENN'S BILL' -

restore the profitability of capitalism but has tried to in- corporate layers of bureaucrats.

into the operation of this in order

RADICALISM

Benn's verbal radicalism gave some capitalists the impression that he would not stand firmly enough against workers threatened with unemployment. We should have no such illusions.

Benn, though nominal mover of the Industry Bill, was backed all / Wilson, and has never the way by opposed Wilson except when permitted on the Common Market issue. He has supported Healey's bud- get attacks on jobs and since his removal by Wilson as a gesture to the bankers. Benn has shown his completely unprincipled career- ism by refusing to attack the move, and meekly accepting the new job. A sharper insight into Benn's politics was given by his first pub- lic appearance as Energy Minister where he invited his Tory oppos- ite number on a "non-political , congratulating the oll monopolies on bringing ashore the first North Sea oil Benn in his new job thus contin- ues the role of confusion glossed over by left talk which has kept him his cabinet position and protected Wilson and Healey.

FUND

DEVELOPMENT FUND

£500 Monthly White both the TUC and the Labour leaders collaborate with the CBI and seek a capitalist 'solution' to the crisis. the need is for a leadership with a program- me to celena Jods and wages The success of the WSL in expanding, into new areas and support for its tne growlig policies stem from this under- standing and the programme Socialist Press. put forward in Our development fund helps expand the work of socialist Press, preparing to expand the aper itself beyond an 8-pag ortnightly Pleese send donations to : WSL, 31, Dartmouth Park Hill, London NW5 1HR. Printed and Published by the Workers Socialist League, 31, Dartmouth Park Hill, London NW5 1HR His argument emerged at a T&GWU rally on May 17th, when he said: find ways and means to secure a positive response to the govern- ment's efforts to fight the effects of the economic crisis; Wages are by no means the main cause of inflation, but the present trend for wages to increase faster than prices spells economic disaster" This argument attacks the very reason why unions were built - not just to defend existing con- ditions, but to improve them through struggle against the em- ployer. How can living standards improve if wages are not allowed to increase faster than prices?

If this does as Jones states spell "economic disaster" then it questions whether workers can afford to allow the capitalist sys- tem to continue, not whether living standards should be improved.

It is also untrue that, as Jones suggests, his plan could reduce After 5 weeks of strike and occupation, Massey Fergus- on workers returned to work after an offer of an addition- al 45p on top of 13%. This amounts to a wage cut and the responsibility for it falls clearly on the trade union leaders. At the crucial point in the struggle-after the High Court decision to order the end of the occupation - the Birmingham branch of the WSL distributed a statement to Massey Ferguson workers, seculons or walen are reprinted below. "The decision of a High Court judge on Friday to order the ending of the occupation of the Massey Ferguson tractor plant in Coventry must be resisted. It is an attack not just on the occ- upation, but on the strike, on the ability of workers at Massey Ferguson to fight the attack on wages. Massey Ferguson had prepared in advance for a long strike; the only way to make the strike effective was to occupy The British Steel Corpora- tion plant at Port Talbot, South Wales faces total shut- down as the result of a strike by 3,800 steel workers fighting proposals to imple- ment new work schedules. which would mean wage cuts for large numbers in the plant. The new work schedules drawn up in cooperation with local trade union leaders are a result of the agreement made laste month by the Iron and Steel Trades Confederation and the BSC. The agreement, made under the supervision of Wedgwood Benn, fraudulently proclaimed.

; "reprieve " for steel jobs was a plan for rationalisation and speed-up. In the Port Talbot plant the new schedules, by cutting out weekend working, will effective ly cut the wages of some workers by 30%. Average earnings will then be forced down by between £15 - £20 per week Despite the public "row" with Monty Finniston, BSC chairman, and his left posturing at steel workers demonstrations, Benn SOCIALIST PRESS, Thursday June 26th 1975 inflation by 10%. All it will do is Two motions on the agenda call cut the value of wages, while for such a policy - one from the inflation, created by the system of 5/293 (BLMC Cowley) branch.

capitalism, continues unabated.

They must be supported as the only The WSL calls on all delegates way forward on wages. position, The other big issue, as the Labour , which Local dol if adopted would sacrifice the Government moves towards massive basic principle of free collective cuts in public spending will be un- employment. Ágain the crucial res bargaining - a principle upheld in many resolutions passed at the olution is from 5/293 branch, last BDC. calling for a sliding scale of hours - In rejecting the social contract, work sharing on full pay - and full the T & GWU conference can line support for workers who occupy up with the AUEW, the Scottish and their factories in defence of jobs.

Yorkshire areas of the NUM and The AUEW conference last week other unions which reject the social passed a strong resolution in support of the right to work. contact The decisions of the T & GWU conference will have a big influence

SLIDING SCALE

on the TUC conference which follows it. If the T & GWU confer- ence votes down the social contract, The only answer to inflation is not then it will disrupt the attempts wage restraint, but to fight for a being made by the Labour and TUC sliding scale of wages clause in pay leaders to blame workers' wages for agreements, giving point for point inflation, and would challenge increases in line with the cost of Healey's threat of "Tory policies" living index worked out by trade in six weeks time. union committees.

W.S.L.

Massey Ferguson Public the plant. Following the High Court decision, designed to weaken the strike, the Shop Meetings Stewards Committee has been shown to be completely correct in boycotting the court hearing.

The occupation must be cont-

COVENTRY

inued in opposition to any legal Tuesday, Ist July, 7.30pm.

moves aaames I The attack on the occupation Mercla ruD Cross Cheaping, Coventry.

by the courts is only the latest attempt to use the las to.

break "Oppose the Social Contract".

the resistance of workers. We

АРТНОО AIMAC ДАР

LIVERPOOL

of 1875 resurrected for

USC

against pickets - the jailing of Sunday, 29th June, 7.30pm the Shrewsbury 2 - the Immig Bradford Hotel, Tithebarn St, Liverpool 2 ration Act used to deport mil- itant workers, and recently the (next to Exchange station).

use of the police to smash the student occupation at Warwick support for the strike. George University. The employers are Butler, Coventry organiser, has preparing all these laws for use now instructed AUEW members to discipline and weaken the to quit the plant. This refusal to working class. mobilise support is similar to the In the fight to continue the isolation of a strike at Crosfield occupation, workers face not Electronics in London where wor- just the opposition of the kers occupied following threats of "law of the land" and the com- pany, but also the AUEW leader- closure. High Court writs were ship and district officials. Through- served, the occupation defeated, and 25 jobs lost, while the union out the strike the District Comm leadership refused to fight".

ittee has done nothing to mobilise

STEEL STRIKE

REMOVE PRENTICE

The decision of the General Executive of the Newham NE Labour Party to recommend to the GMC that their extrem right-wing MP Reg Prentice be has continuously collaborated asked to retire at the next gen- with the BSC board in preparing eral election is a reflection of the present attacks. It was on his the hostility of the rank and file initiative as Industry Secretari of the Labour Party to the betray.

that the present agreement was als of the Labour Government.

made for the destruction of exist- This example should be follow.

ing manning agreements. ed in all constituencies with Steel workers must demand that those 'lefts' such as Benn and Foot right wing MPs and candidates (including Harold Wilson's urgently take up the defence of constituency). It is in complete jobs and wages against the capit- alist class and the Labour right contrast to the way the 'lefts in Parliament have refused to wing or make way for those who move to challenge Wilson, will. The demand must be taken un Jenkins and other Labour for the sacking of Finniston and Heren the abolition of the BSC board continued from page 1 Committees of trade unionists at local, regional, and national This fight begins on the shop levels must demand access to all floor but must be taken into the accounts and information avail- Labour Party itself. able to BSC management, with In this fight those MPs, like the the right to supervise and control , who claim to Tribune Group, This must be the their actions. stand to the left of Wilson must first step to full workers' manage stand up and be counted. Their ment of the nationalised steel record so far is one of dismal industry. capitulation on every question.

As the present cutback in dem- Those who refuse to lead the and for steel threatens jobs, the widest possible fight against demand for work sharing on full Healey's spending cuts will share pay must be fought for and the responsibility for them. The workforce retained in preparation "lefts' must fight to remove for eventual expansion of the Wilson and Healey from the Lab- industrv necessary Ior a socials our leadership, and replace them planned economy. Only with with leaders prepared to defend these: perspectives can steel jobs the working class. be defended.